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leges into individual and local rights is very pleasing to the American ; but, like many another, he objects to the cost of maintaining his precious possession. So strong is the tendency of modern civilization toward democracy that nothing but this minute division of power between Nation and State, between the Legislature and the Executive, keeps the popular will from asserting itself. With this division of power comes necessarily a division, and therefore a lack, of responsibility. No one is responsible for anything. If we have no bankrupt law the House of Representatives is not responsible without the Senate, the Senate is not responsible without the House, both together are not responsible without the President, and he is powerless to do anything. As the three branches of the legislature have been under the control of the same political party but two years out of the last twelve, each party finds it easier to throw the blame of failure upon the other than to carry measures the credit of which it must share with its opponents. Again, in the matter of divorce the national authorities are powerless under the Constitution, the States can deal only with their several jurisdictions, and so no comprehensive scheme can be framed.

It follows naturally, from this want of authority and responsibility, that even those powers which are entrusted to Congress are but feebly exercised, and that both its branches lack responsible leaders. At all times in the history of the United States the ablest men in the National Legislature have been willing to leave it in order to enter the Cabinet, where there is little power over legislation and no responsibility for it. Within three years one of the leaders of the majority in the House of Representatives shelved himself by obtaining the post of Minister to Turkey, which, considering our relations with that country, is very much as if Lord Randolph Churchill should beg Lord Salisbury to make him Governor-General of Barbadoes.

Now the American people have grown somewhat tired of all this, and many of them do not like to be hampered in every movement by the strait jacket of a written Constitution. The desire for uniformity, so characteristic of the democratic spirit, makes one class of men impatient of the vagaries of local laws; while another class, when something goes wrong, wants some one to bear the blame and furnish the remedy. Therefore the former desire to have the National Government deal with great vexed questions outside its jurisdiction, as defined by the Constitution -with the liquor traffic, with public education, with railroads and telegraphs. Congressional inefficiency and irresponsibility make the latter. long for a responsible Government to succeed the irresponsible committee system. It is very plain what the result of these changes would be. If the scope of the National Government were greatly enlarged the States would lose nearly all their power, and the little which these advocates of centralization are willing to leave them would soon be ab

sorbed. If a Cabinet, responsible to Congress, be introduced, it is clearly impossible for an independent executive like the American President to exist. No Cabinet can be responsible without the means of choosing its agents, or in the face of a real veto power; indeed, absolute responsibility and absolute power are corollaries of each other. If the power of the National Government, both executive and legislative, were united in one body, that body would most certainly absorb the authority of the States, considered as governments with independent political rights. Even the Supreme Court, that American wonder of the world, could not prevent this. As Hamilton said in the Federalist, the Judiciary is the weakest of the three departments, and its power, apparently so tremendous, can exist only in face of a weak and divided ernment. In fine, if the Government of the United States now recognizes and protects many local and individual rights against a popular majority, it can do so only at the expense of division and lack of responsibility; if a strong and responsible government be established, individual and local rights will disappear, and a highly centralized representative democracy will arise upon their ruins.


In England the case is precisely reversed. A highly centralized representative democracy exists already, and it is desired to import into this form of government some of the advantages of a Federal Constitution, and some safeguards for individual rights and privileges; to adapt some of the modern conveniences of a written Constitution to the stately old fabric that has been building ever since the dawn of history. The attempt is utterly useless. The former building must be pulled down and the new building begun at the foundations. If it be possible to make of the British Empire a Federal State whose several members shall have rights inviolable even by the will of the Imperial people, certainly no such State can be established until its government, divided into jealous and independent departments, and strictly limited in its jurisdiction, has lost much of its efficiency and nearly all its responsibility. Then and only then can it be prevented from dealing with individual and local rights as it pleases. Thus and only thus can the Empire obtain the advantages of American federalism.

Take the case of Ireland, for example, and suppose Home Rule granted it. The Irish Parliament will then express the will of the Irish people. If this will is allowed to govern, Great Britain will tend to become a Confederacy, not a Federal Union in the American sense of the word. If this will is checked and thwarted, great fricton and irritation will follow. In America this is not so, because for generations the people have been accustomed to a Government in which the popular will is not expressed by any man or body of men, and under which the popular desires are in a chronic state of non-fulfil

ment. Would Ireland be satisfied with so-called Home Rule, under which the Irish Parliament, and the Parliament of Great Britain to boot, could not abate a jot or a tittle of the rights of the most oppressive landlord? Such a state of affairs is, I believe, the inevitable concomitant of a Federal Union like ours. Democracy can exist only under a treaty-made Confederacy or under a centralized Government. In the first case the people of the State are all powerful; in the second, the people of the nation.

If these things are true, it is easy to see how they bear upon the changes in popular feeling, mentioned at the beginning of this article. There are special advantages pertaining to the federal form of government: a healthy local spirit and a security for individual rights. There are special advantages pertaining to what Mr. Dicey calls the unitarian form of government: concentrated energy and perfect responsibility. But individual and local rights cannot exist in the face of a supreme legislature like the present Parliament of Great Britain, nor can perfect responsibility exist where authority is divided. Finally, it may be asked if it would be possible for the United States to give up federalism or for the United Kingdom to adopt it? This question I shall not try to answer, and in regard to it I shall make but one suggestion. The drift of the age appears to be toward democracy, and not away from it. So it may be possible for the Government of the United States to grow centralized and unitarian, while it is impossible for the British Government to grow decentralized and federal.-C. R. LOWELL, in The Fortnightly Review.


MARCH 10, 1888.

THE rapid tide of gliding years
Flows gently by this Royal home,
Unvexed by clouds of grief and tears
Its tranquil seasons come.

To one, as happy and more great,
Came earlier far, the dread alarm,
The swift immedicable harm,

The icy voice of Fate.

The gracious father of his race

Heard it, too soon, and dared the night;
Death coming found him with the light
Of Sunshine on his face.

He left his widowed Queen to move
Alone in solitary sway,

Alone, through her long after-day,
But for her people's love.

Their saintly daughter, sweet and mild,
Drew poison from her darling's breath;
Their young son trod the paths of death
Far, far from love and child.

Nay, now by the Ausonian sea,
Daughter of England, good and wise!
Thou watchest, with sad anxious eyes,
Thy flower of chivalry!

But this fair English home no shade
Of deeper sorrow comes to blot,
No grief for dear ones who are not,
Nor voids which years have made.

One sickness only, when its head

Lay long weeks, wrestling sore with death, And pitying England held her breath Despairing, round his bed.

No regal house of crownéd state,
Nor lonely as the homes of kings
Where the slow hours on leaden wings
Oppress the friendless great.

But lit with dance and song and mirth,
And graceful Art, and thought to raise,
Crushed down by long laborious days,
The toiler from the earth.

Its Lord an English noble, strong
For public cares, for homely joys,
A Prince among the courtly throng,
A brother with his boys.

Who his Sire's footsteps loves to tread,
In prudent schemes for popular good;
And strives to raise the multitude,
Remembering the dead.

And having seen how far and wide
Flies England's flag, by land and sea,
Would bind in willing unity
Her strong sons side by side.

Its gentle mistress, fair and sweet,
A girlish mother, clothed with grace,
With only summer on her face,
Howe'er the swift years fleet.

Who was the Vision of our youth
Who is the Exemplar of our prime,
Sweet lady, breathing Love and Truth,
With charms which vanquish Time.

Good sons in flowering manhood free,
Girls fair in budding womanhood,
An English household bright and good,
A thousand such there be !

Great Heaven, how brief our Summers show!

And fleeting as the flying Spring!

The almonds blush, the throstles sing,
The vernal wind-flowers blow.

And yet 'tis five-and-twenty years,
Since those March violets dewy, sweet,
Were strewn before the maiden's feet,
Amidst a people's cheers.

And mile on mile the acclaiming crowd
Surged round her, and the soft Spring air
With joy bells reeled, and everywhere
Roared welcome deep and loud

While this, our trivial life to-day,
Loomed a dim perilous landscape strange,
Hid by thick mists of Time and Change,
Unnumbered leagues away.

Long years! long years! and yet how nigh
The dead Past shows, and still how far
The Future's hidden glimpses are

From mortal brain and eye.

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