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Ships. Tonnage. Ships. [ Tonnage. Ships. Tonnage. Ships. Tonnage. Ships. Tonnage. Masters Seamen.


1820 223

1825 195

32,660 87 15,054 64

12,296 81
12,076 83

80 14,144 82

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1795 212 39,022 150 18,740 49 7,046 310 27,202 721 92,010 796 5,475 1800 234 40,070 168 21,938 54 8,316 344 27,322 800 97,746 919 6,948 1805 235 38,278 152 18,852 68 12,102 409 37,010 864 106,242 931 7,377 1810 218 36,598 197 26,012 58 11,668 379 29,518 852 102,796 928 1815 238 39,326 2-22 32,902 83 17,236 451 39,494 994 128,958 1,016 36,558 107 16,820 13,336 419 36,916 819 103,630 845 6,017 13,486 354 35,090 700 96,290 880 6,388 26,452 82 13,998 80 15,116 579 48,290 909 103,856 866 6,713 70 15,136 553 45,230 825 91,694 900 5,938 69 16,032 553 44,672 820 91,384 876 5,948 16,642 569 47,808 853 98,246 902 6,240 17,174 93 20,070 588 50,298 912 109,912 934 6,689



1830 168
1835 121 19,032
1837 115 18,604
1838 122 19,652
1839 136 22,470

REMARK. In the above lists no difference has been made whether the vessels have been employed or have lain idle in the harbours. During those years when Finland was a part of Sweden, its vessels have been excluded.

The following is the result of the various | belonging to the powers last mentioned, with commercial treaties entered into by Sweden up to January, 1840.

Russia enjoys the greatest advantages of any foreign power. Its vessels have not only the same privileges of exportation and importation as home ships, but these rights are even extended to the Swedish lakes and canals. Russian ships may even, in certain cases, exercise a carrying trade along the coasts, and possess a very extensive bonding right in Swedish harbours, while Sweden has only very limited bonding liberties in some few Russian ports. It is only in certain particular Russian harbours that Swedish vessels are allowed any diminution of dues, and they cannot exercise any carrying trade along the Russian shores.

the additional one of unloading a part of a cargo in one harbour and other parts in others, without paying more dues and charges than for what is actually discharged.

Oldenburg, Wismar, Belgium and Spain, are privileged with the same dues as Swedish vessels, but can only export and import their own and Swedish productions.

England is allowed the same scale of dues as Swedish ships, but its right of importation into Sweden is limited to articles of European origin, and even in this respect there are such considerable exceptions, that we may regard ourselves as one of the least favoured nations.

France, however, stands undoubtedly lowest on the list. The only reciprocity beDenmark, Prussia, Hanover, the Nether-tween these two "civilized powers," is a tolerlands, Portugal, Turkey and the United able uniformity in prohibitions and protecting States, have the same rights of importation tyrannies, and equally high and ruinous dues. as Swedish vessels, which enjoy the same reciprocity in their harbours.

Greece enjoys all the privileges of vessels

Abridged and adapted from the Foreign Report of the College of Commerce for 1839, Appendix No. 9.

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That Sweden-the land of mariners and of metals, of woods and of waters, of hemp and of hatchets does not to a greater extent commercially employ its immense resources, and thus at once give bread to its people, and additional strength to its navy, excites the astonishment of every foreigner. But the government remains dully immovable. Through the most absurd and suicidal laws the national manufactures (those which demand no home tax) remain undeveloped. Commerce languishes, and the former energy of the national character, which led to bold enterprise and continuous efforts for the public weal, is found no longer. There is something stunted in almost every modern undertaking. If public buildings are erected, they are either ugly, barrack-like but still expensive stucco walls, or else portentous piles that fall down before they are well finished. And if the rulers attempt any reform, great or small, it is found to be illegal or absurd almost before the ink is dry with which it is countersigned. In short a corrupt and pettifogging spirit pervades almost every department of the state, and the government seems as if it could do nothing en grande except-squander


"We have never complained"-says a Swedish writer,* in a series of articles on "doing justice to the king"-" of the Swedish arms having been so little used during the last war; on the What is it, then, that we do blame? It is, statecontrary, we consider this very praiseworthy. ments that have no truth; we blame, in general, the system of vindicating Charles John's honour by attributing to him merits to which he has no right; we blame this system because he does not need such additions, for his glory is great enough idle fables, but especially for reasons which we in truth and in fact without requiring help from shall now state and which we regard as so important, that we wish every friend of his country to consider them deeply. Nay, we even wish people to be very careful what they advance in relation to his real merits to Sweden, so soon as such statements lay claim to a recompense. We will tell a little story:-A peasant came pounds of butter, herewith exclaiming, ‘Sure, once to his priest and presented to him some your worship, no one can come up to me!' and, indeed, for some time, all the parish through, he passed for the best of countrymen just as he would have it be. But, at last, the priest became so tired of his continual boastings, that he paid him the full value of the butter to get rid of being plagued with it longer.-Fabula docet. Benefits of which we are perpetually reminded, with interminable claims to unbounded grati

tude, become more hateful to us than disserviOn the other hand Charles John, as if ces themselves. So is human nature constituted, gifted with some fated blindness, can scarcely in Mesopotamia as well as in Sweden. But as take up his pen or open his mouth on any regards Sweden separately: during the reign of occasion, public or private, in season or out Charles XI. we were involved, as is well known, of season, without indulging usque ad nause-ceive the end, and which, with the exception of in a harassing war of which no one could peram in the most ungrounded, and to the nation, most humiliating boastings that he is the saviour of Sweden, that he found it nothing and made it what it is, that without his arm, his genius and his dynasty, it would probably have been erased from the list of nations, and that now his reward is ingratitude and dis

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"Of the average number of 1000 ships which arrive, annually, in the British ports from the Scandinavian peninsula, and of which 700 were formerly Swedes and 300 Norwegians, the proportion is now 700 Norwegians to 300 Swedes."-Björnstjerna's "Reply," p. 15. This is surely not the fault of Norway or the gift of Sweden, as Count Björnstjerna would intimate. Why does not Sweden obtain the same results by equally simplifying its laws, equally untying commercial burdens, and by an equal exercise of commercial and social industry and enterprise?

The civil list of Charles XIII., his predecessor, was 467,823 rix-dollars banco per annum. That of the present king has been rising almost ever since,

the king's personal exploits in Skoné, was carried on quite as unfortunately as the last Finnish war, a result caused by similar reasons-an equally miserable military administration. Louis XIV., however, helped us to a happy termination of this contest, and it was undoubtedly him that Sweden had to thank for the recovery of its tributary provinces. His conduct on this occasion was entirely calculated to gain him the gratitude and unchanging attachment of the Swedish people. But the contrary followed: and what was the cause of this? His destroying the weight of the obligation by his vain boastings. His flatterers made him the guardian angel of Sweden, and among the rest struck a medal with the inscription GALLUS PROTECTOR. SUB UMBRIS ALARUM TUTA SUECIA.' (The Cock [the Frenchman] Protector; under the shadow vice in accordance hereto. Even Christina herof his wings is Sweden secure,) and with a deself, who was otherwise so enthusiastic in her

and is now fixed by the diet just dissolved at 719,700 rix-dollars banco per annum. Charles John has received since 1818, when he ascended the throne, up to 1840, a sum, over and above the civil list of 1810, of 20,300,000 rix-dollars banco, about 1,691,6667. See Lindeberg, Bidray till Sveriges Historia, tom. I, p. 369. In addition to this it should be remembered that it was as Crown Prince of Sweden, and with Swedish men, money and matériel, that Charles John gained his Norwegian sceptre.

* In " Allvar och Skäint," a Sundsvall paper.

caused their having been engaged in it. He, at all events, had been benefited by the diversion, and Sweden had her own sword to thank for her delivery.

admiration of France, took offence at this insult, also the most moderate and intelligent. But and struck a counter medal* in reply. She was still,-owing to court tactics and the fouralmost a banished wanderer, and imagined she chambered system of representation, which had many grounds of complaint against her old the king always promises and wishes and subjects. But she was still a Swede. She was yet the great Gustaf Adolph's daughter.' It was longs to assist in removing, although he as natural that this gasconade should make a most constantly opposes every practical effort made ainful impression on every Swedish heart, for for that purpose,-it has, on the whole, act deeply wounded the feelings of national self-complished almost nothing. The principal respect. The people were reminded, that if triumph of the parliamentary ministry, as the they had Louis XIV. to thank for a fortunate ter- majority might be called, was its carrying mination of the war, it was also he who had the day against the government in reference to the "Cabinetts-Cassans-Skuld" question. This was an illegal attempt of the court to persuade the houses illegally to pay large "The application is easy enough. Flattery debts, (of which 775,000 rix-dollars banco, dimmed the glory of Louis XIV., and deprived or nearly £65,000, were still left,) a few his conduct towards Sweden of all its merit. years back illegally contracted abroad on We must never forget that the Swedish race is the bond of the king and prince who still a proud people: Insolens suecorum natio, is the live, and of ministers now dead, and illegally old phrase. It had indeed been unfortunate. It had lost some lands, but the remembrance of applied to purposes not recognised by the its great deeds was still left. So still thought constitution. After long debates and a conthe Swedish people in 1810, and so it thinks to test excessively severe, the opposition carried this day. And, indeed, that in the year just men- the negative, and the illegal loans must be tioned, it elected-not the King of Denmark, as paid by those who have guarantied or conNapoleon wished, but-Marshal Bernadotte-sumed them. This result proves that the is surely proof plain enough that it preserved its reign of phrases and fallacies is fast drawconfidence in its own strength. And, let us add, that this confidence was by no means unfounded. ing to a conclusion in Sweden, a state of But how does flattery represent this fact? Pre- things which can never too soon be taken cisely as on the medal of Louis XIV. It makes ad notam; and accordingly it is to be hoped, Sweden a helpless creature, protected only by that both prince and people will be the wiser Carl XIV. Johan; it describes her as a being for their experience in the chamber of poor and despicable, without birth or property, 1840-1. and only ennobled and raised to wealth and rank by her union with him whom she has to thank for all, even for life itself!"

As might be expected, the natural uneasy and discontented feeling on the part of the people, on the one hand, at the delay of every improvement, and the incessant demands made upon them for obedience, homage and money, and the haughty bearing and malignant though weak threatenings of the court on the other, have led to very unpleasant scenes during the diet just closed. The opposition has, on the whole, showed itself not only the stronger of the two parties, (for it could have refused the whole budget.)† but

The diet succeeded, however, notwithstanding its chaotic organization, in passing some scores of bills, many of them of great importance and eagerly longed for by the whole population; but it reckoned without its host. The king, using that full veto of which he is deprived in Norway, gave his royal consent to a few verbal alterations and trifling changes, and then refused his sanction to the The following is a list of a rest en masse. few of the bills-almost the only fruit of a diet unexampled for length, exhausting expense, and patriotic effort—thus cavalierly rejected:


9,698,190 rix-dollars banco per annum; or, with the extra grants, to 10,898,190 rix-dollars banco.

By an omnipotent opposition, which has nevertheless been incessantly accused of avarice, meanness, and narrowness of view, the five years' budget of 1840-1 has been fixed, by reductions of the sums demanded, at 10,742,880, or with the extra grants, at 11,672,880 rix-dollars banco, nearly 1,000,000%. per annum.

This rare medal has on the obverse the Queen's bust, with the simple inscription, CHRISTINA REGINA, and on the reverse an exhausted Amazon (Svea) assisted from the ground by an arm which is stretched from the sky, while the cock (Gallus) flies cackling away. Below are the words, A SOCIO DERELIČTA, A DEO RESTITUTA SVETIA. See Brenner, Thesaurus Nummorum These annual budgets are, as our readers are Svegothicorum, p. 162, plate 9; and Berch, Bes-aware, quite independent of an immense, but invikrifning om Svenska Mynt och Skadepenningar, p. sible taxation in the shape of crown-land-endowed 138. Especially from the time of Charles IX. down standing army. (The army Indeldta,) local burto the death of Gustavus III. a vast number of beau- dens, &c., &c. tiful medals have been struck in Sweden on account of the Swedish sovereigns.

The five years' budget of 1835 (see For eign Quarterly Review, No. 50,) amounted to 32


*It sat about eighteen months instead of three. + The members of all the three lower chambers are very properly paid by their constituents, whose fewness renders the burden individually heavy.

A Bill for the bank paper money only being coin of the realm, as long as it is payable in silver at the bank, according to the tenour of the law and of its own establish


A Bill for extending the right of representation in the House of Peasants to a superior class of the peasantry, hitherto, by a verbal quibble, debarred from enjoying the benefit of the franchise in their own chamber.

A Bill for the abolition of the law exposing the witness of an author's signature to the same pains and penalties as the author himself, in case the latter should absent himself at his trial.

A Bill for various mitigations, in certain cases, of the corporal punishments, &c., now

in use.

A Bill for an enlarged right of willing property (as opposed to entails, &c.)

A Bill for publicity in police courts, whenever they act with judicial authority. (Rejected by the king for the fourth time.)

A Bill for the publication of a riot act, (preventing the present use or abuse of the power to employ the military against the people at pleasure, without the control of the civil magistrate.)

A Bill for prosecutions for libel and treason against the king, (many of them commenced by designing men, as hooks for royal favour,) not being allowed to proceed, and for the suspension of arrest and imprisonment in like cases, (often the cause of much suffering to innocent persons,) till the king has given his consent.

Among the few measures fortunate enough to be honoured with his majesty's approbation, it may be interesting to note a new law on authorship, by which full copyright is ensured to an author and his assigns for his whole life, and until twenty years after his death; but within every twentieth year any publication so protected must be at least once re-printed.

At least one great result, however, has been gained by the now ended edict. All parties have agreed, that the present system of representation must be altered. The expense, the confusion, the eternal delays, the practical weakness, the very imperfect reflection of the national mind exhibited by the Swedish four-chamber system can be tolerated no longer. The diet has decided on a plan something like that of Norway;-a chamber elected by popular choice, and this house selecting a certain proportion of its members to form a second and higher chamber. The census qualifying for voting has been placed very low so that the peasants, who have now a fourth part of the representation to them

selves, and who are of course justly jealous of their rights, could not possibly lose by the change. This plan, according to the Swedish fundamental law, must be again passed by the next chambers before it can come before the king to obtain or to be refused his sanction. But its adoption by the ensuing diet is not very likely; it is more probable that a two-chamber system will be carried. Professor Geijer, who was a niember of the constitution-committee which drew up the plan, has in his protest to the same demanded universal suffrage instead of a census, for every Swedish citizen who has reached his twenty-first year, is of unexcep tionable character, and possesses the common principles of education. In his last speech on this question in the House of Priests, April 17th, 1841, the professor wound up with the following brilliant consolidated outline of his views:

"The privilege of voting I have ventured to restore to each individual as his personal right;

and this I have not been able to avoid, for it is in fact the whole ground of representation. Modifications, indeed, may be admitted in its practical application, and these may be allowed with safety when we are guided by the principle once acknowledged. But if we set out from result must be to grope about in a perpetual modifications instead of from a principle, the only mist. Notwithstanding all the Radicalism of which this principle has been accused, I firmly believe in a monarchical futurity. My belief thereupon is grounded on experience, which teaches me that republics commonly authorize, or permit, or conceal, more glaring distinctions between man and man, than a monarchy limited society developes its inherent multiplicity, the by law. I believe it, further, because the more more strongly must its unity necessarily be exhibited if the whole is to be kept together; and I perceive in that first and most simple social element-the family and its necessarily increas ing weight-that purifying, and restoring, and atoning instrument in the political confession of itself heard in the depths as in the heights of our age, which within its legal limits shall make society, and throughout its whole circuit up to the very summit of all. I believe in a royalty grounded on the rights of the people, and standing in no need of support in the interests of any class or caste, or privilege whatsoever. In the history of my own country, I have seen all these

skottets vid 1840 ars Riksdag förslag till Represen*This state-paper, entitled "Constitutions-Uttations-förändring," is really a valuable document. It consists of not less than 150 closely printed 4to pages, including the "Reservations." It is said to have been principally composed by the talented jurist, Professor Bergfalk, who was the committee's secretary. Commencing with an examination of all the plans delivered in, it proceeds to give a luminous exposé of all the principal systems at present existing in the most civilized countries, and concludes with a statement and defence of the plan upon which the committee finally agreed.

interests much more injurious than useful, both | principal towns, a system supported by state to king and to people. In this same history it is revenues, and by excessively high endowthat I have learned to doubt the excellence of ments. But still more extraordinary is the our class-legislation and representation, especial-humane policy" of the present king. In ly such as it has developed since 1719. Attempts the vast majority of instances, child murder have been made to represent this system as a symbol of everything solid in the Swedish na- in Sweden, even in cases the most revolting tion. But how many violent changes has not and cold-blooded, is not punished capitally. this representation witnessed, suffered, and pro- Imprisonment for life, commonly still further duced during the last 100 years alone? How commuted, is the usual punishment for this long did the form of government of 1719 and most unnatural and most dreadful crime, while 1720 last?-Until 1772. How long lived the many a case of what we should consider government acts of 1772 ?-Until 1789. How "justifiable homicide" is punished with death or with perpetual imprisonment. But we cannot see how this can or ought to be otherwise.

long did the Act of Security and all its despotism

continue ?-Till 1809. Shall I ask still further? Questions go free; but, instead of answering, I will only point to our condition at this very moment. During the sittings of the diet, the cham- As long as public opinion and public bers govern; when the diet is dissolved, the king grants support extensive city bastard recep rules: and both the state powers only meet to tacles, into which, on paying a trifling blood battle and dispute. If a condition so terrible should threaten us with a social crisis, then the fee, the demoralized higher and middle classes in the pet towns may fling their secret choice between preserving and reforming it,especially as our fundamental laws, by one of offspring, to sink or to swim in the great their noblest peculiarities, permit a change, ocean of life, and usually certain and early cannot surely be very difficult. Nor is the object victims to a system of hirelings and of neand the path that leads thereto so very dim glect, we cannot see how the poor seduced and dubious as that they can by no means be dis- country girl can, with any shadow of law or covered. The greatest political fact in the history of the Scandinavian nations of late years, is gospel, be old-fashionedly beheaded for more the union of Norway and Sweden under one scep- directly and less inhumanly committing the the union of Norway and Sweden under one seep-crime daily boasted of by her more cunning tre. This single event would be sufficient to hand the name of its author to a far posterity and more fortunate " that same posterity which shall once judge the bours-abandonment of offspring is surely position of the diet of Sweden in connection with this same king. To this outward and political fact, another, and an inward, must be added. &c. But it principally congratulates itself on its The two brother kingdoms must constitutionally great foundling hospital ("Stora Barnhuset") in draw nigher to each other, with such modifica- Stockholm. This institution was founded by the tions as may be necessary for Sweden, and with illustrious Gustavus Adolphus, with the intention of its being an alms-house for poor children of honest no other amalgamation between these two states but unfortunate parents, especially such as had lost than a foster-brother union between the Swede their lives in fighting for their country. It has gradand the Norwegian to preserve the ancient free-ually, however, been transformed into an institution dom of the North!"

A very interesting article might be written on the criminal jurisprudence of Sweden. But the length to which our remarks have already reached, forbids our more than just hinting at its importance. Two observations, however, we cannot help shooting flying: the first is, the frequency of the crime of poisoning among the Swedish peasantry, and the apparently careless and business-like unfeeling manner with which they use the drugs of death. In some cases the poison-cup has been employed in Sweden, where we should scarcely think the crime worth a hearty cuff or an old-fashioned boxing-challenge. The other, and not less important point is, the commonness of child murder, notwithstanding the very low tone of public morals in Sweden, and the corrupting and enormous foundling system in operation in the capital and the

* Besides its hospitals, properly so called, and many of them really excellent, Sweden also boasts its minor and provincial foundling and lying-in hospitals,

gentle folk" neigh

for the encouragement of bastardy and the support and countenance of vice. Comparatively few poor children are now received as pensioners; most of them are infants-so-called foundlings. On depositing the trifling sum of 100 banco (about £8: Gs.) any body and every body can at any time get rid within its walls of any child, without any questions being asked, or any examination of either facts of face. Accordingly, most of the amours of the capital and its neighbourhood terminate here, and the whole is regarded as une affaire de rien. The effect of such a fashionable and splendid establishment (for it has nearly £10,000 per annum,† including its state grants and its rich endowments) on the public morals and the private manners, may easily be conceived. We have witnessed it for years with disgust.

We think it our duty to note here, among other scandalous facts, that Sweden also boasts venereal hospitals in all the principal towns, supported by public money, and figuring on every tax-paper which enters every Swedish family! Can anything be more monstrous ? And yet we have never heard this even remarked upon in Sweden. Thus legislation undeniably and deplorably sanctions vice, instead of in every way discountenancing and repressing it.

In Sweden capital offences are punished by decapitation, not by hanging.

And yet its expenditure exceeds its income.

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