Mr. Bulwer soon saw through the bon- declared that such an arrangement would homie of his colleague, and in vain at be regarded as a breach of neutrality by tempted to counteract its effects. Mr. Belgium. Indeed, a customs' union Porter became dissatisfied with Mr. Bul- would have been a first and important wer, and each of these horses of the state step to a political union between Belgium pulled his own way. Had they indeed and France, and this Prussia would not pulled together with all their might, they permit. The idea was therefore abandonnever could have dragged fair conditions ed, and a commercial treaty, such as any out of the French, for there never was an independent state may form, was to be intention on the part of the French gov-discussed. Let us see whether the bases ernment to treat on bases of fair recipro- of this treaty, however, are such as can city; but with a commission so compos- be laid down by France when treating ed the English government had not even with a state which is only independent in the merit of keeping up its dignity, and its neutrality? France demands that her Mr. Labouchere was weak enough to suf- wines, brandies, silks, &c., shall be admitfer Mr. Porter to remain many weeks in ted into Belgium at rates of duty infinitely Paris at the suggestion of M. Thiers, who lower than those to be charged upon simiassured him that if anything should occur lar produce from any other state, and in to enable him consistently to consent to return for this protection France will fresh negotiations (they had then been consent to receive from Belgium, iron, broken off by M. Thiers in consequence coals, linens, &c. &c., at a much lower of the treaty of July 15), he would let rate of duty than from any other country. him know. M. Thiers did not conde- Will Austria, which became a party to the scend to resume the negotiations, and guarantee of the neutrality of Belgium, Mr. Porter at length quitted Paris. M. permit such an exclusion of the oils, silks, Guizot succeeded M. Thiers, but nothing and other produce of her Italian territocould be done, of course, in the treaty of ries? Will England permit Belgium to commerce until the mantle of dignified make concessions to France, in exchange isolation, which the little historian of the for which, Belgium, and Belgium only, is Revolution had placed over France, had to supply France with coals, iron, linen, been cast off. The convention of July 13 and any of the manufactures in which that arrives, but what do we hear of the com- country carries on a competition with mercial treaty? Does the new French Great Britain ? In our opinion a treaty cabinet hasten to say to Lord Palmerston of this kind would be a casus belli on the "We are sorry for the trickery and delay part of England against both Belgium and of the late cabinet, but we are now dis- France, -against Belgium as an infringeposed to treat honestly on a system of ment of a neutrality which was not to be fair reciprocity, and therefore beg that merely political, for Belgium may, comyou will allow the negotiations to be re-mercially, throw power into the hands of sumed?" Oh no! nothing of this kind France, as well as by a political union; takes place; but the ink of the signatures and against France for seeking thus hasto the convention of July 13 is scarcely tily and rudely to establish those relations dry, when a commercial treaty with Bel- with Belgium as to trade which she refuses gium, hostile to British interests, is pro- to England, after more than two years of posed, and as if nothing was to be want. fraudulent negotiation with the English ing to mark the contempt of the French government. We do not blame M. Guicabinet for the Whig government, which zot for seeking to enlarge the political had been so much insulted and mocked, and commercial influence of France at it was announced that the negotiations the expense of Belgian neutrality; we do for the treaty with Belgium would be di- not blame the Belgians for endeavouring rect between the Belgian commissioners to monopolize the supply of iron, coals, and the French ministers, whereas in the cutlery, hardware, woollen goods, &c., in negotiations with England, the French France. If the governments of these government was represented by commis-countries can do this with impunity, they sioners who were merely third or fourth are quite right in their course; but will class employés.

the English government consent to the

It is said, and we believe truly, that it exclusive arrangement which is proposwas proposed in the first instance that ed ? We do not hesitate at saying, that the basis of the treaty between France it will not. Either the intentions of the and Belgium should be a customs' union, French and Belgian governments must be but that the Prussian ambassador at once abandoned, or France must consent to admit British manufactures, a fair recipro- been fully equal to the increased demand. city being, of course, consented to by Between 1837 and 1841 the number of England, on conditions quite as favour- high furnaces has increased to 117, and able as those which it is proposed to grant the ordinary furnaces from 60 to 72.

to Belgium. There is no reason to fear that the interests of British manufactures will be overlooked by the cabinet of Sir Robert Peel.

Belgium could not fail to reap vast advantages from an exclusive commercial treaty with France, and they would be precisely on those branches in which she carries on a spirited competition with Great Britain. The Belgians are an industrious people, they are inferior only to the English in the application of mechanical power, and they have made such

With only 40 of the high furnaces in con. stant work, there would be an annual production of 292,000 tons; consequently, if all the productive power of Belgium were in full activity, she would be able alone, if necessary, to send into France more than the quantity of iron which could be required for railways over the whole surface of the country, in addition to that which the French iron-masters could raise. The idea of the whole of the iron necessary for these railways being produced in France is perfectly absurd. The French

progress in some of their manufactures, iron-masters are not able to supply, within that only a slight protecting duty in their any reasonable limit of time, enough iron favour in France would secure for them an for railways of less than 100 leagues in important market. At present, many of extent. To protect the importation of the manufactures of Belgium are, like Belgian iron, therefore, by excluding the those of England, prohibited in France. English from all chance of competition, It is quite time that the mistaken policy would be a manifest injury to the English of prohibition should cease; but it must iron trade, against which, under the pe

not cease for Belgium alone. The French have already made concessions to Belgium as to the coal trade, to the injury of our coal owners, who are thus unable to supply English coals at the same rate as the Belgians, except in certain localities;

culiar circumstances of the case, the English government has a right to protest.

But it is it is not merely in the supply of iron for railways that Belgium would have a manifest advantage over England from the conclusion of a commercial treaty between

but this injury has not been extensive. that country and France, upon conditions The case would be very different however such as are at this moment laid down as as to the supply of iron. The demand the basis of negotiation; she would also for English iron in France is even now, monopolize the supply of locomotives, for notwithstanding the enormous duty im- there are so many factories of that counposed upon it, very great; what then will try well-organised as to tools, and possessit be when the capital required for the ing all that is necessary for an extensive numerous railways projected in France fabrication, that if the duties in France shall have been raised, if, according to on locomotives were to be lower for those the intentions manifested by the French imported from Belgium than on English government, the supply of the iron-work locomotives, where one is now imfor these great undertakings should be ex- ported from England, Belgium would clusively from Belgium, with the excep- be able to introduce ten. The same obtions, of course, of that of the iron-mas- servation may be made as to steam-enters in France itself. The Journal des gines and machinery of every kind. The Debats pretends, indeed, that this would English manufacturers of these articles be a nominal concession for Belgium; have very little to fear from the compefirst, because that country would be unable tition with those in France, for notwithto furnish the required supply; and sec- standing the protecting duty levied upon ondly, because the French iron-masters English machinery, so much are the are equal in their means of production to French manufacturers behind the English all demands. There is no truth in the in the mode of turning out their work, latter of these statements. We find that that the English engines and machinery in 1837, when Belgium had only 77 high of every kind find a ready market in furnaces and 60 common furnaces, she France. It is not only better, but even was able to supply all the iron required cheaper as to first cost, than French mafor the numerous railways then executing chinery; for although the protecting duty in her own territory, and would, if twice is high, and labour is to be obtained in as much iron had been wanted, with the France at a lower rate than in England, productive powers then in existence, have the manufacturers are, with few excерtions, so badly set up with tools that the | mands of the agriculturists, and hitherto difference in their favour is more than they have done so successfully. In every

counterbalanced by this inferiority. This, however, is not the case with Belgium; all that she requires for her prosperity is, an exclusive market for her goods. It is also worthy of remark, that the best English workmen find their way to Belgium, where there is none of that jealousy which, in France, prevents their meeting with encouragement, and a high rate of pay.

Some of the French papers have stated that the Earl of Aberdeen has already signified to M. Guizot his willingness to sign the projected commercial treaty with England, on the conditions agreed upon by the commissioners of the two countries. This we know to be untrue. In the first place, there were many essential conditions upon which the commissioners were not definitively agreed; and secondly, we do not think that Lord Palmerston would have sanctioned some others respecting which they had come to an agreement by no means in favour of England. There is no ground for supposing that the Earl of Aberdeen will, as regards the interests of British merchants and manufacturers, be less difficult than Lord Palmerston would have been if he had remained in office. The concession

concession made by the French commissioners they had in view to lower the clamour of the wine growers, who, in their petition to the chambers declare, that the cultivation of the vine in twothirds of the territory covered by it does not yield 2 per cent. for the capital employed, and that in many cases the produce does not cover the expense of cultivation, and, at the same time, alarm as little as possible the iron-masters and manufacturers opposed to a commercial treaty with England. A great deal of what these gentlemen have succeeded in doing must be undone, or Lord Aberdeen will not sign the treaty.

There is another leading point in connection with the treaty in question which must be discussed, and respecting which there has been, and is still likely to be, great opposition on the part of the French government; we mean the postage regulations between the two countries. When the late cabinet in England gave way to the wild and sweeping theories of Mr. Rowland Hill, and adopted the crude notions of that gentleman to their fullest extent, although a reduction of one-half the postage-duty would have satisfied the peo

demanded by France as to the duties on ple of England, the enormity of the post

age between Great Britain and France became strikingly apparent. The English commissioners endeavoured to make a large reduction of this postage one of the bases of the negotiation, but the answer was, that the English government had done an unwise act which could not be allowed to operate as an example for the French government, and that the concession demanded by the commissioners would, if granted, open the door in France to concessions as to the postage system generally, which would be injurious to the public revenue. We will endeavour to show that the English commissioners were right in principle, although the French government was perfectly correct in refusing to adopt the wild theory of Mr. Rowland Hill and his supporters; but we must just be permitted, although it may be considered a digression, to make a few observations on the postage regulations in the two countries generally.

her wines and brandies is one of such vast importance for her that the English gov. ernment has a right to expect something equal in exchange. In many parts of France the vine constitutes the wealth of the country, and when there is a falling off in the market for wine and brandy, the whole of the population depending upon this branch of agriculture must suffer materially. The exports of wine and brandy from France to all countries having fallen off materially, and the consumption at home in large cities not having kept pace with the increase of the population, the cultivators and others connected with the wine trade in the different provinces have for some years been almost in a state of bankruptcy. Session after session they have petitioned for relief, and session after session the iron-masters and manufacturers in the chamber of deputies, who are or else imagine they are interested in keeping out English iron and manufactures, which they could not do if the wine-grow- Previously to the extraordinary altera

ers were to prevail, as the English government would not consent to lower the duties on wines and brandies except for a concession in favour of British products, have been resisting the de.

tions made in England by the late cabinet, whether from ignorance or with a mistaken view to popularity we will not attempt to determine, there were certainly many things in which reform was called for. The postage of letters was decidedly too conveyed by the post to any part of the high; the mode of paying by inclosures kingdom for a charge of little more than and not by weight was an unfair one, and one-fourth of the penny postage in Engwas attended by trouble in the machinery land. In France, if a circular bearing a as well as hardship upon the public, and stamp of two centimes be folded up in some facilities were due to tradesmen, such a way that the stamp may be seen, particularly to beginners with small capi- it is received at a post-office on payment tal, for the extension of their means of of only one centime postage, and conveypublicity. The two classes of persons ed free to any distance. Does Mr. Rowwhich the new postage bill was, accord- land Hill's plan give the same advantage? ing to its projectors, to serve principally, Even a penny postage is too high for were small tradesmen and the poor, who tradesmen's circulars, as few tradesmen from the existing high rate of postage wish to send out less than five or six were unable to communicate by letter. thousand, and that would be an expense Was it necessary as regarded the former of more than twenty pounds, whereas the to reduce the charge to about one-seventh, same thing would be done in France for

little more than five pounds. The boon therefore to the trading classes is not so extensive as it ought to be, and yet it is attended with injury to the revenue.

taking the average of what was then paid; if two-thirds or even only one-half had been reduced, would it not have been sufficient in the first instance as a mere experiment? In England the trading classes are so nu- the Conservative government should at

If

tempt to modify Mr. Rowland Hill's plan, and levy an uniform threepenny rate, it is probable that in less than two years the

merous, and they are so justly entitled to consideration, that if the relief they desired could have been granted in no other way than by the adoption of a penny post- amount of the revenue from the post-office age, this extreme concession would have would be greater than it was previously

been a judicious one; but how did the case really stand? The tradesman complained that he could not afford to pay the existing high rate of postage for sending out his circulars, and that he was consequently unable to give to his trade the degree of publicity necessary for his own interest, and for that of the public, which

to the change made by the late cabinet, for, as compared with all things else in England, threepence would be a small tax even for the poorer classes. But the sys. tem of stamped circulars must also be adopted, for that would be an extra and very extensive branch of profit. Let every tradesman or other person sending circu

is always promoted by competition; and lars through the post-office be allowed to was there no other way of serving the do so free of postage, provided the circupoorer class of tradesmen and giving a lar do not exceed a quarter of an ounce of stimulus to competition, than enabling the weight, and be stamped with a halfpenny wealthy to gain 600 per cent.? If instead stamp. Even in France, where the com. of a penny postage a threepenny postage petition of trades is comparatively small, had been established, the enormous defect these stamped circulars yield a large sum of the revenue would have been avoided, to the revenue. To return, however, to nay, the revenue would have been increas- the question of international postage in

ed, and yet the trading classes might have had a still greater boon than that which they have received from Mr. Rowland Hill's plan, which had not even the charm of novelty, inasmuch as it existed and was a failure in France more than two centuries ago, and when the present post-office system was not known.

The

connection with the projected commercial treaty between France and England.

The present rate of postage between the two capitals, or any points of equal distance, is two francs for what is called a single letter, viz., a letter weighing 7 grammes French or a little more than a quarter of an ounce English, with or without enclosures; beyond that weight and under 10 grammes the charge is two francs and a half, and it goes on increasing according to the increase of weight. If the letter should weigh half an ounce the charge would be 3 francs from Paris to London, or from London to Paris, (the arrangement is a reciprocal one, and cannot

The trading classes in England demand. ed the facility of sending out their circulars at a lower cost than the rate of postage charged by the government. We would have gone beyond Mr. Rowland Hill in their favour, without abstracting a farthing from the amount of the post-office revenue. We would have given to them the facility which is enjoy be altered without the consent of both ed in France, where a printed circular is governments,) whereas the same letter sent from the remotest part of England travagant rate of postage for the 20 miles

shillings and sixpence English, ought not, in the more important points of the treaty, according to the inland tariffs of the two for this of the postage to be brought under countries, allowing at the same time an ex-discussion.

MUSIC AT HOME AND ABROAD.