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a quantity of oil of balsam; he opened his eyes, and his speech came back to him. He asked them: "What territory is this?" The divers replied: "This territory is Zangistan." He then asked: "How far is it to the capital?" They answered: "Four parasangs." The King of Yemen proceeded onwards, until the hour of evening prayer, when he entered the city. Manuscripts of the Bakhtyar Nama vary so much in detail that probably no two are exactly the same. Those used by M. Lescallier would appear to have been more diffuse than the lithographed text of 1839. According to his rendering, after the King of Zangībār's messenger had been some time in Yemen, "he chose a fitting occasion and place to see Abraha, and converse with him. He spoke to him of his country, of his father, and of the love which he had for his dear son, like that which Jacob bore to his beloved son, Joseph.† Abraha, hearing news of his country and his father, felt his sensibility re-awaken; his eyes shed gentle tears, like the showers of spring, and he spoke these words, interrupted by sobs: 'Whence come you, my dear sir? How and for what purpose are you arrived in this country?' The messenger then confided to him the secret reason of his journey,‡ undertaken for the sole

"Four parasangs. ."-A Persian league, about 18,000 feet in length, is Fars-sang, that is, the Stone of Persia, which Herodotus and other Greek authors term Parasanga. It seems that in ancient times the distance of a league was marked in the East, as well as in the West, by large elevated

stones.

The love of Jacob for his son Joseph, and his grief at his supposed death, are proverbial amongst Muslims, and very frequently alluded to by Persian poets. In the 12th sura of the Kur'an it is stated that Jacob became blind through constant weeping for his lost son, and that his sight was restored by means of Joseph's inner garment, which the Governor of Egypt sent to his father by his brethren. In the Makamat of El-Hariri, the celebrated Arabian poet, are such allusions as "passed a night of sorrow like Jacob's," "wept more than Jacob when he lost his son."

Probably the messenger went to Yemen in the assumed capacity of a merchant, which would render him least liable to suspicion, and also enable him to smuggle Abraha out of the city without attracting particular notice.

Abraha asked him
The messenger,

purpose of bringing him back to his father. urgently to take him away from that town. who was a very intelligent and clever man, took his measures and time so well that he carried off Abraha, and made him start with him for that capital, and they arrived without accident at Zangībār. As soon as they were near the outskirts of the capital of Zangībār, the King, being informed of the arrival of his son, sent some people to meet him, and caused him to be escorted with pomp, and he received him with demonstrations of the greatest joy."

According to M. Cazotte's rendering (King Bohetzad, &c.) of this story, under the rather misleading title of "Baharkan, or the Intemperate Man,” Abraha was not a slave but an officer, and his name was Tirkan. "He was," we read, "a young prince who had fled from his father's court in order to escape the punishment of a fault which he had committed. After having wandered unknown from country to country, he at length settled at the Court of King Baharkan, where he obtained employment. He still remained there some time after the accident which had befallen him [to wit, the accident to the King's ear]. But his father, having discovered the place of his retreat, sent him his pardon, and conjured him to return to him. He did this in such affectionate and paternal terms that Tirkan, trusting in his father's goodness, immediately departed. His hopes were not deceived, and he was re-established in all his rights." The sequel agrees for the most part with that of the Persian text; only we are told that the King's object in going over sea was pearl-fishing for amusement.

Page 57. "Sheltered himself under the shade (sāyabān) of a merchant's house."—Sāyabān, a canopy; an umbrella; a shade formed by foliage, or any other projection. Against the front of shops in Eastern countries is a raised bench, or rather a stone or brick platform (mastaba), two feet from the ground, upon which the tradesman sits, and a little above it is a covering (sakifat) of matting; and sometimes planks supported by

beams, affording shelter and shade. (See Lane's Modern Egyptians, vol. ii, pp. 9, 10.)

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Page 58. "He was sent to prison Lescallier's rendering adds, “where he passed his time praising God, and submitting to His will."

Page 59. "He gave public audience to persons of all ranks " khass o 'amin-noble and plebeian.

Page 59. "If I succeed in hitting that crow (properly, raven)," &c. — The superstitious belief in divination from the flight, motions, and positions of birds (ez-zijr, el-īyafa), which prevailed so much among the Arabs at the time when the Prophet began his great mission, although it is denounced by the Kur'an, prevails even now in the East, where the raven is called the "Father of Omens” (Abū-Zājir), and the "Bird of Separation" (ghurabi-'l-bain); its appearance betokening a change of circumstances, which for the King of Yemen denoted liberty from a state of slavery. According to an author cited by Bochart (Hier. i, p. 20), Noah sent forth from the ark a raven, to observe whether the water had abated, and it did not return, hence it is called "the bird of separation." In the Gulistan, iv, 12, an execrable voice is compared to the croak of the Raven of Separation, or, as some render the passage, "the raven of ill omen (see Lane's Arabic Lexicon, vol. i). countries have been considered as birds of ill omen.

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Dryden's Virgil:

The hoarse raven on the blasted bough,

Ravens in many

By croaking to the left, presaged the coming blow;

and in Gay's Fables (xxxvii, 27, 28):

Page 59.

That raven on yon left-hand oak,

Curse on his ill-betiding croak.

Thus, in

"The law of retaliation, which would not award a head for an ear."-In accordance with the text of the Kur'ān, v, 49: *"We have therein commanded them that they should give life for life, and eye for eye, and ear for ear, and tooth for

tooth; and that wounds should also be punished by retaliation," &c. (compare Exod. xxi, 24; Levit. xxiv, 20; Deut. xix, 21). For unintentional mutilation the Muhammadan law permits the payment of half the price of blood, as for homicide; for a member of which there are two, from the rich man 500 dinars (£250), from the less opulent 6000 direms (£150). The delinquent in the present instance, being penniless, the King of Zangībār had no choice but to exact ear for ear. (Sale's Kur'an, Prel. Disc., sec. vi; Mills' History of Muhammedanism, ed. 1817, pp. 319, 320.)

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NOTES ON CHAPTER VI.

Page 62.

66

'Represented the danger of letting an enemy live when in one's power."-This unmerciful suggestion * ill accords with the humane precept of Hushung, an early King of Persia, surnamed Pīshdad (the First Distributor of Justice), and dictated by him to Tahmuras, the heir apparent: "The sovereign extends the skirt of pardon and the robe of clemency over those who have erred; acting according to this injunction : When thou hast prevailed over thy foe, pardon him, in gratitude for the power obtained over him. 'Bind him,' says the poet, 'with the chains of forgiveness, that he may become your

slave." " Page 62. "Advised him not to be precipitate."-With more eloquence does a falsely accused lady plead to her husband in the Anvar-i Suhailī (p. 243 of Eastwick's translation): "The wise think deliberation requisite in all affairs, especially in shedding blood, since if it be necessary to take life, the opportunity of doing so is left; and if-which God forbid !--they

*The same savage maxim occurs in the Anvar-i Suhaili: "When thou hast got thy enemy fast, show him no mercy."

should, through precipitation, put an innocent person to death, and it should afterwards be known that he did not deserve to be slain, the remedy would be beyond the circle of possibility, and the punishment thereof would hang to all eternity on the neck of the guilty party." And elsewhere in the same charming work we are told that "the heart of a King ought to be like the billowy sea, so as not to be discoloured by the dirt and rubbish of calumny; and the centre of his clemency should be like the stately mountain, firm in a position of stability, so that the furious wind of anger cannot move it."

Page 62. King Dādīn, or Dādiyān- —a title formerly given to the Persian Kings of the first, or Pīshdādian, dynasty, and in a later age assumed also by the Princes of Mingrelia. (Chardin, vol. i, p. 82.)

Page 62. Kārdār signifies busy, a money lender, a prime minister, and is a compound of kār, work, occupation, and där, possessing, lord, master. -Kāmgār is composed of kām, desire, wish, and gar, a particle which, subjoined to a word, denotes agency.

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Page 63. Having reason to believe her father would not consent to bestow her on him."-The text runs thus: "He said to himself, 'Kāmgār is an ascetic (zāhid) and a religious man (pārsā), and would not give me his daughter.''

66

Page 64. 'Begged permission to inform his daughter"—the text adds, "and, in conformity with the law of Muhammad (shari'at), obtain her consent."-This is a proof that the lady had attained marriageable age, as the consent of a girl not arrived at the age of puberty is not required.

Page 64. "Related to her all that had passed."—The text : "The daughter said, 'I am not worthy of the King; besides, once in the King's service, I cannot [devote myself to the] worship [of] God the Most High; and for the least fault the King would punish me.

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