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The American Society for the Extension of University Teaching.


10 Cents a Copy.

March, 1895.

$1.00 a Year.

University Extension is for the people. It aims, through instruction by University men, to make life more interesting and enjoyable; to awaken a sense of responsibility; and to encourage habits of sound thinking and right conduct.

MACMILLAN AND Co.'s New Books.



BY ARTHUR I. FONDA. 12mo, cloth, $1.00.

A work dealing in a rational and common-sense way with the requirements of an honest money, criticising the merits and defects of various proposals for its betterment, with an outline of a new monetary system that seems to meet the requirements and correct existing faults.

On Combines, Trusts and Monopolies.


The author's point of view is not controversial, but elucidatory and impartial-seeking not to take sides for or against "combiues," still less to pass judgment upon them from a moral standpoint.

LABOR ANd the POPULAR WELFARE. By W. H. MALLOCK, author of "Is Life Worth Living," etc. New and cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo, cloth 900.

Edited by Prof. Ashley, of Harvard.

ECONOMIC CLASSICS. Edited by W. J. ASHLEY, M. A.. Professor of Economic History in Harvard University, 12mo, limp cloth, each 75c.

ADAM SMITH. Select chapters and passages from "The Wealth
of Nations."

DAVID RICARDO. The first six chapters of "The Principles of
Political Economy," etc.

T. R. MALTHUS. Parallel chapters from the first and second
editions of "An Essay on the Principles of Population."

Cambridge Historical Series.-New Issue.

OUTLINES OF ENGLISH INDUSTRIAL HISTORY. By W. CUNNINGHAM, D.D., Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, and ELLEN A. MCARTHUR, Lecturer at Girton College. 12mo, cloth, $1.50.

New, Revised and Enlarged Edition with Additional Chapters.

THE AMERICAN COMMONWEALTH. By JAMES BRYCE, D. C. L., author of "The Holy Roman Empire; " M. P. for Aberdeen. In two volumes. Third edition. Revised throughout and much enlarged. Large 12mo, cloth, gilt top. Vol. I., 724 pages, $1.75 net. Vol. II., over 900 pages, $2.25, net. The set, 2 vols. in box, $4.00, net.

"The most complete, campact, and detailed account of the American Commonwealth that has yet been written by any native or by any writer whatsoever. One must look far and wide, through dozens of volumes, for anything like the information and the intelligent criticism which are here to be found."-Boston Herald.

Fourth Edition of Professor Goldwin Smith's History.

THE UNITED STATES. An Outline of Political History, 1492-1871. By GOLDWIN SMITH, D. C. L. Fourth Edition. With map. Large 12mo, $2.00.

"It is a marvel of condensation and lucidity. In no other book is the same field covered so succinctly and so well. Of the five chap. ters, the first deals with the Colonial epoch, the second with the Revolutionary period, the third and fourth review the history of the Federal Government to the outbreak of the Civil War, and the fifth depicts the era of rupture and reconstruction."-New York Sun.

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The Literary Era,

a journal of interest to persons who wish to be informed of current literary matters.

The Era

is published monthly and contains timely and well written articles on general literary subjects, reviews and shorter notices of the best new books, together with notes on authors, and a descriptive list of the new books of the month, with net mailing prices. It is the aim of the editor of

The Literary Era

to make the paper first-class of its kind, and bright and interesting to its readers.

The successful reception which the paper has already met with encourages the publishers to bring it to the notice of a wider circle of readers.

The different numbers vary in size from twenty-four to forty-eight pages.

The Literary Era,



Sent for one year, postpaid, on receipt of 50 cents. Sample copies sent on application.



1326 Chestnut Street,


Please mention THE CITIZEN.

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THE CITIZEN asks for a kind reception from
all whom it reaches, and particularly from
those who, with an honest concern for the
public good, are trying, in one way or another,
to clear the vision and strengthen the hearts
of the American people.

THE CITIZEN takes the place of University

Extension and The Bulletin, and its purpose is

to serve the interests of the teaching which

the American Society has undertaken.

What is the proper function of this teach-

ing? It is to extend to the whole community,
as far as possible, such knowledge as is the
fruit of the highest educational life; to give to
everyone opportunities to cultivate habits of
useful reading, careful thinking and right
conduct; to awaken and stimulate intellectual
life and a sense of responsibility; all for the
purpose of making better men and women;
that is to say, better citizens, conscious of
mutual interests and obligations and of their
true relations to that organized society which
is the product of civilization.

THE CITIZEN will have a wider scope than
the former publications of the society, and it
will appeal to a larger number of readers. It
will contain more matter of general interest
and at the same time preserve the most useful
features of the more technical journals which
it supplants.

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The refusal of the House of Representatives
on the fourteenth of February, to pass the bill
allowing the word "gold" to be substituted
for "coin" in the new bonds will cost the
country $16,000,000 in the thirty years which
the bonds have to run. Our inability to borrow
upon better terms implies no lack of confidence
in the resources of the country. It simply
means that there is no immediate prospect of
relief from the present disorder in the national
finances, and like any borrower, whose affairs
are known to be involved, the country has to
pay high rates for money.

Successfully to readjust the fiscal system of

a great country requires ability of the first

order and a higher purpose than a desire to

serve a party. If the present Congress had



been competent to deal with the currency question, it could not have arrived at a conclusion in the time at its disposal, because, under the Senate rules, which admit of interminable debate, a group of Senators can stop legislation if they choose to do so.

Under these circumstances the country will look forward to the meeting of the Fifty-fourth Congress, which, if not of better material than the Fifty-third, will at least have two years in which to overcome the inertia of the Senate.

Mr. Abraham Hewitt's estimate of the abilities of congressmen from one part of the country has been held by others to be not far from the truth as applied to congressmen in general. It is felt that there is a distinctly low average of ability and patriotism among our public men at Washington as well as elsewhere. There is significance in the fact that this feeling is finding wide-spread expression at a time when local government has become too bad to be endured.

The machinery which is based upon minor politics practically controls all nominations, and there is little reason to expect it to give relatively better results in Congress than in our cities. The sacrifice of good local government in the hope of strengthening a national party is as dangerous a fallacy as has ever taken root.

With a Republican Congress after the fourth of March, and Mr. Cleveland in the White House until 1897, there is little probability, for the present, of further changes in the tariff. The fiscal policy of the country therefore becomes the all important and pressing question. It is not a question upon which either of the two great parties has a definite policy. It must be met and settled by the united wisdom of Congress and the Executive. No condition could more forcibly illustrate the advantage of having in Congress the best capacity and the most enlightened patriotism that can be found among our people. The occasion requires not. men chained to party allegiance, and the product of a corrupted political system, but men able to deliberate on great questions of business with breadth of mind and a sense of responsibility to the country as a whole and to the people as a nation. In the long run our

national administration will suffer as much as the government of cities from low ideals and bad practice in local affairs.

The entrance of Japan into the ranks of the world powers, as evidenced by her recent history, is one of the most important events of the last quarter of this century. Nearly all modern writers on politics have taken the view that the political future of the world lay entirely in the hands of the white race. Some of the most eminent publicists have not hesitated to assert that the yellow races have shown little more capacity for political organization than the black, and that the only hope for them, as for the latter, is a gradual development under the tutelage and domination of the white.

This view of politics has much to warrant it in the history of Asia for the last century. Wherever the white races have come into serious conflict with the yellow races they have come off victorious. The seeming resignation of the latter to a distinctly inferior political position has justified the belief that they were not likely to assert themselves vigorously against occidental domination.

The probability that Asia would thus become a mere political dependency of Europe, to be divided up, like Africa, among the European nations, was rendered still greater by the fact that the leading nation-China-showed little or no inclination to adapt herself to modern conditions, or to prepare herself, by taking advantage of the results of modern progress, to resist successfully European attacks. It looked more and more as if the political fate of Asia lay entirely in the hands of Europe, and as if the process of division would be slow or rapid-not because of any oriental influence, but solely because of European jealousies and intrigues.

The whole face of affairs has been changed by the action of Japan. A purely Asiatic nation goes to school for a time to Western civilization, adapts her own customs to modern conditions, changes her system of government and her code of laws to bring them into a certain degree of harmony with the political standards of Western Europe, and then suddenly advances to the front and demands

entrance into the list of the civilized nations of the world, claiming all the privileges of the most favored nation, notably, insisting that the same rules of international law shall be applied to her in dealing with European nations as the latter require among themselves.

This claim is asserted, in the ordinary method of Western Europe, by the exercise of skillful diplomacy, by which Japan has shown herself, in this respect at least, to be entitled to a place among leading nations by her ability in negotiating treaties and in playing off one country against another. It is supported at a critical time by a display of military force which has surprised the world and given ample notice of her power and determination to insist upon the recognition of her new position among the great powers of modern times.


This exercise of her military strength is in a direction which will probably impress the imagination of China in such a way as to force her into line with modern progress. will not be surprising, therefore, if from this time shall date one of the most stupendous events of modern times, the appearance of two great Asiatic powers among the political forces of the modern world.

Such an event would compel a radical change in many prevailing political theories. Aryan tendencies would surely be modified by Mongolian influences in many ways unsuspected at present. Perhaps we may get some of that staying power into our civilization which has characterized the life of the East for centuries.

There is a wide-spread feeling that the time is ripe for the opening of a vigorous campaign in behalf of public libraries in Pennsylvania. We present in this number a carefully digested account of the steps by which in the past five years the Commonwealth of Massachusetts has added to the number of her free public libraries until less than two per cent of her population are without library privileges, and we are permitted to reproduce from Mr. Fletcher's excellent book on Public Libraries in America, the chapter which is of particular interest in the initial stages of library agitation. The present situation in Pennsylvania is outlined

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in the following paragraph from a paper on Libraries and Popular Education in the "Pennsylvania School Journal" for February, by the Editor, State Superintendent N. C. Schaeffer:

"A just sense of the value of free public libraries has hardly been awakened in the people of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia started libraries in the last century, and still ranks third as a city of libraries among her American rivals. The liberality of Carnegie led to the founding of libraries in Pittsburg, Allegheny and Braddock. Scranton, Wilkesbarre and Johnstown boast of public libraries. The cities and towns which are the seats of colleges and other higher institutions of learning, have libraries specially adapted to the needs of their professors and students. Comparatively few centres of population have good-sized collections of books for the benefit of the public. The appointment of a library commission tó aid in the establishment of public libraries would greatly promote the intellectual advancement of the people of Pennsylvania."

The University of Oxford is at last considering a plan for giving formal recognition to the advanced research, or graduate study, of persons who are already Bachelors of Arts either of Oxford or of other universities. Cambridge has appointed a syndicate to consider similar action. The American student is likely to chafe under the length of the term of residence required in the proposed Oxford statute, which is three years, especially since at the end of that time he will find himself in possession only of a new Bachelor degree. At the end of another period of two years he may supplicate, if he chooses, for the degree of Master of Arts. A German university would have rewarded similar labor with the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the end of three years or less from matriculation. It is probable that the statute will be amended in this particular before its adoption, as many of the more radical reformers are in favor of a reduction of the required term of residence. The movement is to be heartily welcomed. It indicates a growing sentiment at both of the old English universities in favor of the position that it is their legitimate function to

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