Art. 36. A Short History of the Opposition, during the last Seffion of Parliament. 8vo. 15. Cadell. 17-9.

Rather a picture than a history, and that picture a Caricatura; in which the antiministerial party makes but an aukward and scurvy appearance.

The conduct of the leaders in the present opposition is here represented as abfurd and wicked, beyond all example, in the history of faction; but, for our comfort, it is obferved, that 'the vehemence' of these our bosom enemies, ' seems to have carried them to extremities, which supersede all former descriptions of party, and which cannot fail to defeat their views. Be it so, in God's name, if, as our Author says, their views are to deprefs our spirits by magnifying the power of our enemies, and to inspire those enemies with a confidence of success, by expofing our real or pretended weakness:'but this is hard judging of motives!

In former times, adds he, the candidates for public favour thought it prudent to adhere, in their exhibitions, to public principles; but in our times, an eagerness to thwart the measures of government has expelled all regard for the opinions of the people. The dignity and honour of the nation were formerly the favourite themes of oppofitions; melancholy, meanness, and despair, now fill the whole circle of patriotic oratory. With a want of prudence, as well as of decency, they tie up the hands of their country in the hour of danger. They not only justify rebellion against her authority, but indirectly promote a foreign war against her very exillence.

Here this alert Writer appears to have drawn his bow with too much strength, and to have over-shot the mark. Strange that he should, at this time of day, endeavour to harrow up, from its peaceful grave, the departed, exploded idea of the parental authority of the inhabitants of this country, over the inhabitants of other parts of the British state! He might, with equal appearance of reason, affert on fome fuch pretext, the authority of Yorkshire over Northumberland; or, perchance, of the ifle of Bute over the ifle of Wight.

We are better pleased, however, with his concluding and encouraging observations on the present resources of this country, for defence against whatever force may be combined against it. He endeavours to thew, by a comparison of our former with our present armaments, both by sea and land, that we have (humanly speaking) very little to fear from the united efforts of all our opponents. In fine, he infilts on the following points, that our flrength is greater than at any former period; that our fpirit is equal, and our danger less; that we have above 60,000 difciplined troops for our internal defence, with a certain prospect of half as many more in the space of a few months; that a spirit of unanimity *, vigour, and exertion, begins to pervade the whole kingdom; that our nobility and gentry. with a fpirit becoming Britons, either serve in our constitutional defence, the militia, or with their influence and purses exert themselves in raising new corps, that the greatest commercial society in the kingdom has fet a noble example to their fellow fubjects, by an unani

* Norwichstanding the machinations of the oppofition, who, he contends, have done so much mischief.

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mous and powerful aid to the state, in the present emergency; that voluntary subscriptions, for raising soldiers,, and for giving a bounty to failors, have been opened in several places; and (our Author doubts not) that the same spirit will diffuse itself through both the British ifles. Finally, he questions not that'such as are debarred, by infirmities and years, from personal service, will certainly exhibit, on the present occafion, their love for their country, and their zeal for its fafety.'-It was, probably, for the sake of this concluding paragraph, that the whole pamphlet was written; and, fo far as the Author's arguments may influence and animate us to pursue such meafures as will tend most to the permanent fafety and best interests of our country (without any regard to ministerial or party views), we hope that this little sketch of political history has not been written in vain. Art. 37. Guatimozin's Letters on the present State of Ireland, and the Right of binding it (i. e. that Country, by British Acts of Parliament, &c. 8vo. 1s. 6d. E. Johnson. 1779.

These letters have been much talked of, from their first periodical appearance (in April and May last) in one of the Dublin prints*. They are written with great energy and spirit; and they contain an earnest, nay a vehement exhortation to the people of Ireland, to perfevere in their new system of CONSUMING, EXCLUSIVELY, the manufactures of their own country, as the molt easy and probable means of procuring for themselves that redress of their national grievances which, he says, they will ever look in vain for from the justice or mercy of England. He enters particularly into the great question of England's right of imperial fovereignty over Ireland; which he denies; and he argues the point notably, if not convincingly †.-He is extremely fevere in his reflections on the English, whose treatment of Ireland he avers to have been in the highest degree unjust and tyrannical. The Scots, too, are not overlooked. --Of our Northern-countrymen he thus, in the bitterness of his jealousy, expresseth himfelf:

After fully, and, we think, fatisfactorily, explaining the peculiar nature, and present circumstances, of the linen manufacture and trade of Ireland, and lamenting, as a national reproach, the encouragement given by the Irish to the importation of linens from Scotland, which he fays are shamefully worn by his countrywomen, he then proceedsBut, in truth, kentings and gauzes are not the most pernicious commodity imported from scotland into this country. The men of Scotland, who are overrunning us univerfally, are infinitely more dangerous. I am an enemy to national reflections, but when the people of an entire country are all marked with the fame diflinguishing features of character, the observation on them ceases to be called national reflection. These men have a propensity to emigration, and they carry with them into every country the vices of their own; religious hypocrify, fervility of manners, and political depravity di

* The Freeman's Journal, we suppose. + Convincingly to the English reader, we mean:-such of the Irish who are difaffected to the British government, will, no doubt, be convinced.

ftinguish them from all the nations of the earth. The only fatif faction we have is, that the principles of these Scotchmen in England have contributed very much to the ruin of the British empire. England has pledged us in the bitter draught.'

But, he acds, I perceive my paper swelling along with my indignation'-and so will the breast of many a Northern reader; who will be ready to cry out, Enough of this Irish Indiant; away with bim.'

Art. 38. A View of the Evidence relative to the Conduct of the American War, under Sir William Howe, Lord Viscount Howe, and General Burgoyne; as given before a Committee of the House of Commons, last Seffion of Parliament. To which is added, a Collection of Fugitive Pieces, that are faid to have given rise to that important Inquiry. 8vo. 2 s. 6d. Richardfon and Urquhart, &c. 1779.

Praise is due to the Editor of this publication, for the care and attention which he has manifested in digefting the very important materials of which it is composed. He has introduced them by a proper summary of the cortents; he has pointed, by marginal notes, to the most effential and striking facts; and he has illuftrated the evidence of the officers and other gentlemen *, by the addition of many occasional remarks and Aritures, published as events occurred; and especially by letters from Bosion, New York, &c. which contain very pertinent but fevere comments on the conduct of our commanders in chief.

Speaking, in his prefatory advertisement, of the fugitive pieces in this collection, the Editor observes, that they will be found to bear hard upon the coinmanders in chief. This, however, he justly adds, * should not be attributed to any partiality in the collector, but to the nature of the subject; as almost every essay that has appeared in the public prints, containing either reasoning or facts, has been a severe cenfure on the conduct of the war.'

It is, really, a melancholy retrofpect which is here given of our military exploits in attempting to reduce the revolted colonies; and our Editor, with all his professed candour, appears to have been much affected by his view of the facts, details, and strictures, which he had been arranging: for he closes the whole with a 'REVIEW of the WAR,' which is written with a spirit that may serve, alternately, to freeze and fire the blood of the indignant reader. His concluding paragraph is as follows:

† Guatimozin, the nephew and fon-in law of Montezuma, was the laft of the Mexican Emperors. He defended his country against the Spaniards, with admirable courage and fortitude, to the last extremity. He was finally taken prisoner by Cortes, who completed the infamy of his bloody career in America, by putting this gallant young Prince, first to the torture, and then to an ignominious death. Such were the character and the fate of that hero whose name is affumed by this patriotic affertor of the liberties of Ireland.

Among these are included the evidence of Mr. Galloway, late a member of the American Congrefs.

• The

The consequences of this man'st unaccountably weak and

wretched conduct are, thirty thousand brave men destroyed, thirty millions of money expended, thirteen provinces loft, and a war with the whole House of Bourbon. If such misconduct is to pass without censure or punishment, there must be a radical weakness, either in the constitution of the state, or in the minds of the people, and the total dissolution of this empire must be fast approaching: for the people who fit in patient stupidity, and see themselves become the victims of ignorance or treachery, cannot, and do not, deserve to exift as a nation.'

Art. 39. The Examination of Jofeph Galloway, Esq; late Speaker of the House of Affembly of Pennsylvania; before the House of Commons, in a Committee on the American Papers. With explanatory Notes. 8vo.

25.

Wilkie. 1779.

We believe that the whole of Mr. Galloway's very important evidence appears in this printed copy; with the addition of many useful and interesting notes, relative to the conduct of the war in America, the situations and movements of the British troops, the circumstances of the friends to government, the proceedings of the Congress, their adherents, their forces, &c. &c. The result of this examination and enquiry is by no means favourable to the commander of the royal army. It is, indeed, in many capital respects, totally inconfittent with the representations given in the examinations of Lord Cornwallis, General Grey, and other evidences; according to which it appeared (as we observed in our last Month's Review I, page 478), that our commanders in chief had accomplished all that in their fituation could have been accomplished, for the good of the service. Mr. Galloway's evidence was not then before us. After all, TIME holds out to us the truest lights, with respect to the views, and motives, and actions of great men: and, as the politician in the play sagely remarks, those who live longest will fee most.'

Mr. Galloway was a member of Congress; he came over to the royal army in December 1776; and continued with it till the evacuation of Philadelphia in June 1778: abandoning his citate and + Sir W. H-е.

* In giving an account of the distresses of the Congress-party, many circumstances arife which cannot fail to shock the humanity of the reader, whatever be his party. Among other particulars, Mr. Galloway said, in examination, that in the year 1777, the Americans had loft, in the Canada expedition, in the several engagements with the British troops, taken prisoners, and by deaths in their military hospitals, nearly 40,000 men. But in a note to this part of the evidence, it is faid the rebel states, fince the commencement of the rebellion, have lost in their military hospitals, and in battle, in their naval and land service, not much short of 100,000 men; which amount to a fifth part of the white men in America capable of bearing arms.'-A dreadful reckoning, indeed! What have they not to answer for, whose wicked politics have been the first cause of so much calamity to their fellow-creatures!

‡ Art. Exam, of the Earl of Cornwallis.

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proper

property in America, to the value, as he declared to the Committee, of above forty thousand pounds Sterling.

Art. 40. De Primordijs Civitatum Oratio. In qua agitur de Bella Civili inter M. Britanniam & Colonias nunc flagranti, &c. i. e. An Oration concerning the Origin of States, in which the Author treats of the Civil War between Great Britain and her Colonies. By James Dunbar, Profeffor of Philofophy in the King's College, Aberdeen. 410. Is. 6d. Cadell. 1779.

As an academical discourse in praise of the late Earl of Chatham, this performance is entitled to some commendation; being written, in general, with a confiderable degree of classical purity. We could point out, however, feveral passages, of which the construction might be rendered more easy and perfpicuous; in a few, the expreffion is not agreeable to the Latin idiom; and the oration throughout, like most other productions of modern Latinity, is deficient in those unaffected graces of compofition which distinguish and adorn the writings of the Augustan age.

If we confider Mr. Dunbar's performance as a political treatise addressed to the public, it is not easy to discover its object or design. The first part of the discourse is evidently written with a view to introduce a panegyric on the Earl of Chatham, who, if called to the administration of affairs, would, in Mr. Dunbar's opinion, restore the ancient splendor of the British empire. This observation neceffarily occafions a no e, in which Mr. Dunbar laments the death of that great man. As to the Colonies, the Author concludes by advising that we should endeavour to recover and to retain them by benefits, not by injuries; and hat Britons, if they cannot be the matters, should be the patrons of the New World, “ Novi orbis terrarum patrocinium, fi non imperium, fuftineant Britanni. Atque volentes per populos dent jura, viamque affectent Olympo."

Art. 41. Observations on the National Debt, with Proposals for reducing the faid Debt, and for raising future Supplies, in an easy and eligible Manner, by which the National Credit, and the Property of Individuals, will be preserved and improved. Humbly addressed to, and earnestly recommended to the Confideration of, every Poffeffor of Property, of what Nature or Kind foever, within the Kingdom. By a fincere Well-wither of his Country. 8vo. 6d. Dilly.

This fincere well-wisher of his country may, for what we know to the contrary, be fome fly rogue of a landholder, although we rather suspect it is only ad Parnaffum, who artfully endeavours to perfuade the stockholders to give up one fiftieth part of their whole property every year to government, in order to leffen the enormous weight of the national debt. He, however, obligingly thinks they ought not to give up the whole, but stop when they have, by these means, reduced it to fixty, eighty, or even to a hundred millions; for our

* If we entirely abandon the imperium, it is not obvious what the Author means by dent jura. It belongs not to those who have the patrocinium only dare jura.

Author