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enterprise. The case amounts to this: The Javanese and Hindoos may be placed on a par as to their producing powers. Then, as the former pay in taxes twelve shillings, and the latter four shillings a head, in Hindostan eight shillings a head goes to buy powder, shot, and warlike material to carry on rebellion from time to time. But a closed or a competitive Civil Service, holding the reins of government, will be too blind to see this; so it is full time that more home statesmanship should be employed in the internal affairs of our possessions. The reduction of the pride and arrogance of irresponsible officialism would, at the same time, tend greatly to encourage loyalty in her native subjects, towards her Majesty the Empress of India.

But, as I have observed before, there is an element in European states that tends to destroy native activity, and consequently native productiveness. This is the democratic phase which is now almost supreme. In the United States of America it has made the whites and blacks change places; and those drawings which we see in the Illustrated London News, of the Sambos and Dinahs lolling on the velvet cushions and sofas, drumming on the harps and pianos of their late masters and mistresses, must be highly satisfactory to that faction, unnatural as it may appear to outside lookerson. And so will it be with the two Indies; if they be long enough undisturbed by other powerful nations, it is a force emanating from England and Holland themselves that will turn the native populations against their white governments, reducing the blacks to idleness and the whites to beggary. If let alone, the local governments would work out a system suitable to the respective conditions of both colours. But the Democrats and Radicals, who actually are the more domineering portion of the respective European nations, will not see

this, and so they will apply measures suitable in their own cases to opposite conditions, and thus overturn and destroy.

And, under these considerations, we see greater risk in Hindostan than in Java, from the freedom and license of the native press, which does not exist in the latter. Metcalfe gave a free press to British India— a questionable gift, when we consider the disorganizing elements at work. It is only a strongly moral and intellectual people, who have room for expansion, that can beneficially make use of this power. A weak and licentious people cannot, so in them the power must be abused; and this we see in the rubbish and grossly licentious productions circulated amongst the lower orders in Calcutta. That the whites and blacks should ever amalgamate is what nature never intended; they are in opposition as much as the opposite poles of the magnet. It is a favourite theory with amiable theorists, who have no responsibility, and are far distant from the scenes and subjects on which they comment, and of which they have no actual knowledge, to say that the white man and black man are equal. But, on being tested, these only betray their own selfishness, presumption, and ignorance; for they spurn practical equality, when brought home to themselves, in their families. So, where European governments have taken possession of tropical countries, that possession is only sure while the whites have the master keys, socially and politically. To be under another condition would be mere madness, but this is what the white democrats drive at. The whites' position, on the contrary, is to command, the blacks to obey; and if that obedience is exacted in a humane manner, the mission is fulfilled as nature's God had ordered it.

We therefore now come to the Dutch corvée, or forced

labour in Java, and this leads us first to question the occupation of tropical countries by northern nations. On this there will be great diversities of opinion, according to the ever-varying habits of thought induced by education, national bias, and position in society in general. Suffice it to say that, if the Dutch and English had not occupied Java and Hindostan respectively, other rival nations would. After all, therefore, it is the sword that maintains power. What we have to do with in the mean time, therefore, is this question, viz., Is the corvée justified by our common humanity? The historian. Temminck seems to think so, and the reader must judge for himself. The Dutch in Java obtain by coercion, which is not called slavery-an excellent distinction without a difference, that has happy effects on the democrats in Holland, as it quiets them-what also the English obtain in Hindostan by coercion, through the offices of the zemindars, though in ratio to much less extent; the former proceeding by the public service, the other by private enterprise. The transactions of the zemindars and indigo planters with the ryots are examples of this, and objections will be found to either system. But we must look at the practical positions. The governments are, with small exceptions, the proprietors, and the occupiers of the soil will do no more than merely exist if allowed; so the support of government, if they were left alone, would not fall on them, but on the people of Holland and Britain. What then must be done? They are coerced by government in Java through the native rajas, by private enterprise in Bengal through the zemindars; and is the burden heavy, objectionable as the system may appear, as compared with other countries? The soil of England also originally belonged to the Crown, as that of a greater part of the colonies does now, but the Crown has parted

with it and given it to landlords. These stand, therefore, in relation to the occupiers as the rajas do to the ryots; and what do they exact-£1, £2, £3, and £4 per acre? One tenant may occupy five hundred acres, and pay £1000 annually, and there may be one hundred souls existing on the tenancy; thus £10 is extracted from each man, woman, and child. And what do the Javanese pay? Sixteen shillings; and the Hindoos, four shillings. That is, the Javanese, in the aggregate, are seven and a half times less taxed than the English, and the Hindoos thirty times less. Thus this anomaly appears: that conquering nations are the most oppressed by taxes, the conquered the least; yet neither will admit that the other is happy. The white philanthropist shudders at the oppressions that the black man never feels; while the black man would not change positions with a Sheffield file-cutter or a Newcastle glass-blower were you to promise him paradise in return! The one is full of energy, so must and will thrust himself on the other; while that other is so apathetic, that he opens his tent (the tent of Shem) in the evening under the hopes that the son of Japheth may depart in the morning. Vain hope!

But, say the democrats, true, we have conquered and tax lightly, yet we will not give up our principles that all men are equal: these are unchangeable. So give the Hindoo the franchise, and he will elevate himself to be our equal. Very well for a Manchester or Glasgow platform so far away, but do we see the slightest inklings of such thoughts in the autobiography of this intelligent native of India? No, I say emphatically. He knew too well that the constitution of his fellowsubjects inclined them to feel themselves more comfortable under a patriarchal government, and that is the true mission of England to accord-let its spirit be all

pervadingly benign and humane, but not weak and blindly indulgent. Abdulla knew too well the very heterogeneous composition of the population of India, including as it does many languages, tribes, colours, castes, and religions, all apathetic as nationalists-as a mass extremely ignorant, not knowing letters, and bent down to the dust by gross superstitions. How could these exercise the franchise in an intelligent manner? Abdulla himself answers the question when he says, when talking of the aversion of his countrymen to change their apathetic habits, and so rise above their poverty, "Their minds are crowded with the rust of idleness. On every side to the very last, they become like unto earth trodden over by all nations." Again, he ascribes all this "to their contentment with their condition."

This in a few words describes the status of a tropical population. Hence to thrust upon them, even from philanthropic motives, the same liberty and the expensive institutions indulged in by northern civilizations would be absurd. The minds and capacities of the people would first have to be prepared by artificial training-a course that would occupy ages, and then I doubt the power of any statesman to say when our European political machinery could be applied. Certainly not till their own energy, knowledge, experience, and above all, moral force, had equalled ours. But nature, having divided the world into torrid and temperate and frigid zones, has not yet even given any indications of such a consummation.

Such are the thoughts that my work of translation has called forth.

As I left Singapore for good in 1855, I lost sight of Abdulla, but in writing to my old friend and schoolfellow, Mr. J. R. Logan, editor of the Journal of the Indian

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