If we read carefully the mentioned poem, viz., Pilli-vidiya, we can distinguish all the four parts in it. Stanzas 1-9 are introduction describing the origin of the charm; stanzas 10-14 describe the Kulundul-ceremony or the original Piļļi; stanzas 27-32 record the Jivama-ceremony; while the stanzas 20-27 describe the necessary preparations for it; Bandina and Dehena are described together in stanzas 33-35 but in such a way that we can both clearly distinguish fom each other. Therefore the Pilli-vidiya is a very important work of the Sinhalese people's literature and a very valuable source of our knowledge of the Sinhalese black magic. BOMBAY, SEPTEMBER 1922. THE AGHUKHOH OF SEMA NAGAS OF THE BY DR. JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI. (Read on 25th October 1922.) I The weapons of warfare of the ancients and of various modern tribes, living far away from seats of civili Introduction. zation, and the methods of their warfare present several aspects worth studying from an Anthropological point of view. The present Paper treats, not of weapons, but of a particular method of fight, observed among a hill tribe of India, and of its comparison with a similar method of the people of Kabul in older times, described by Firdousi in his Shâhnâmeh. The subject of the paper is suggested to me by an interesting monograph by Mr. J. H. Hutton on "The Sema Nagas," one of the several Naga tribes of the hills on the North-Eastern Frontiers of India between Assam and Burmah. 1 The Sema Nagas" by Mr. J. H. Hutton, I.C.S., with a Fore word by Mr. Henry Balfour. The monograph is interesting from several points of view. One of these points is, that it shows, what important part is played by migration in the formation of tribes in various parts of the country, especially in the hills. This particular tribe was the result of three migrations from the North-East, the NorthWest and the South. What the author says in his preface, confirms what we find from some of the papers in our Journal, that many of our judicial courts are places, where occasionally many a tribal question comes for discussion, and judicial officers have opportunities to study many questions of anthropological interest. The author says: 'There is hardly any part of tribal custom which is not sooner or later somehow drawn into one of the innumerable disputes, which the local officer in the Naga Hill is called upon to settle." The Foreword of Mr. Henry Balfour claims the attention of a society like ours. It urges early work in the matter of inquiry in the case of all tribes and castes. He says: 'The rapid changes which the culture of the 'unrisen' races is undergoing renders urgent the work of the field anthropologist. It is of the utmost importance, not only to the Science of Man, but also to responsible officialdom, since a just and enlightened administration of native affairs cannot be established and pursued without an intimate knowledge of, and sympathetic interest in the natives themselves, their customs and their point of view. Lack of ethnographic knowledge has been responsible for many of the misunderstandings and fatal errors which have tarnished our well-meant endeavours to control wisely and equitably the affairs of those whose culture has been evolved under environments which differ widely from those of civilized peoples." The last great war has, as it were, affected many a nook and corner of the wide world. It may have affected-and one must wait for the results-the distant hilly tract of this tribe, because a large number of the people of this tribe had gone to Europe during the war as men of the labour-corps of the British Army. The French authorities, as reported by Mr. Balfour, described them as having "self-possession and absence of fear when they were landed in France after experiencing shipwreck in the Mediterranean-a truly novel experience for those primitive inland hill-dwellers." The Aghukhohs of the Tribe. II Coming to the subject proper of the paper, we find, that in the third part of his monograph, treating of the Laws and Customs of the tribe, Mr. Hutton speaks of their settlement of disputes and war-war in general, whether genuine war or mere head-hunting. Describing the methods or tactics of warfare and head-hunting, he speaks of their Aghukhohs or war-pits, and thus describes them : This is contrived by choosing a place where the path goes along the side of a hill and excavating a deep and long pit under the path perhaps as much as 6 feet long by 8 feet deep, without disturbing the surface which is left intact for a considerable thickness. The bottom of the pit is filled with double rows of panjis, say 4 feet and 2 feet in length respectively, and the excavation is concealed. The aghukhoh may then just be left for the enemy to walk into, or the enemy may be lured to rush into it by a warrior on the far side, who apparently risks his head to wait about and shout insulting challenges. In this way, with good luck, sometimes even three of one's foes at a fall may be caused to go down together well perforated into the pit. The aghukhoh or leg-pit "is usually made by taking advantage of a depression in the ground, and this depression, or a shallow pit made for the purpose, is planted with short panjis in the ordinary way and filled up with bits of sticks, moss, grass, leaves, and earth, so that, it lames people before they realise that the ground is panjied. The stone-chute (Zhüka, "flattenner ") is known to the Semas, but apparently not put into practice by them in warfare. Stones and sticks and sharpened bamboos are also used." 1 66 1 Ibid, page 171. From what we read of the old Stone Age, it seems that the idea of these Aghukhohs or war-pits may The pitfalls of the primitive man to catch tigers, etc. have been taken by this and other similar tribes from the "pitfalls," whereby early primitive man caught tigers and such other ferocious animals. These pits were pits with pointed wooden spikes, etc. One of the Asiatic methods still prevalent for capturing elephants is that of such pitfalls. III Now, we find a parallel of this mode of warfare in the Shâh- Parallels from the Shah-nâmeh. in the Shâh-nâmeh under the heading of چاه کندن شاه قابل در شکارگاه و فتادن رستم و زوره در آن i.e., the Digging of a châh (a pit) by the Shâh of Kâbul in the Hunting ground and the falling of Rustam and Zavâreh into it. 2 The subject forms a part of the Episode, entitled lis sli.e., the Narrative of Rustam and Shoghâd. Firdouis describes the story on the authority of an old book (daftar) in the possession of one Âzâd Sarv,3 who lived at Merv in the house of Ahmed of Sahl. This Azad Sarv was descended from the family of Sam Nariman, the ancestor of Rustam, and knew much of the battles (razm) of Rustam. This Azâd Sary had a book about (ancient) kings (nâmeh-i-Khusravân). Firdousi's story, given on the authority of this book, runs thus : Zâl, the father of Rustam, had, by a slave woman (bandahi, kanizah), a son, named Shoghâd. On the birth of the child, the astrologers of Kâbul and Kashmir, on being consulted, predicted, The story about the Death of Rustam by a Fall in a chah. 1 Vide "Every day life in the Old Stone Age" by Marjorie and Quennels, page 29, Figure 16. 2 Vuller's Text of the Shah-nâmeh, Vol. III, page 1735. M. Mohl's Le Livre des Rois, Vol. IV, small edition, p. 573. The Gujarati Shâhnâmeh of the Kutâr Brothers, Vol. VI, p. 250. 3 Mohl's Text gives the name as Azadeh Sarv. that the child would bring all infamy on the family and would be the cause of ruining it. Zâl was much distressed to learn that, and he prayed to God to avert that misfortune. When the child grew up, Zâl sent him to the King of Kabul to be brought up by him. The Shah of Kâbul brought him up like a fresh apple (tâzah seb) and gave him his daughter in marriage. Rustam was the Feudal Lord of Kâbul and the Shâh of Kâbul was his feudal vassal. Rustam received every year from the Shâh of Kâbul, as a token of this vassalage, the tribute of a skin of a cow i (yak charm-i gav). Now, the King of Kâbul thought that Shoghâd, the step-brother of Rustam, having become his son-in-law, out of regard for the new relationship, Rustam would forego the usual tribute of the skin of a cow hardly worth a diram. But when the proper time came, the officers of Rustam demanded the usual tribute. This enraged the King and his people of Kabul. Shoghâd also was much distressed at his stepbrother not entertaining any regard (sharm) for him. So, he thought of injuring him. He submitted the following stratagem to entrap his brother: He proposed, that the King of Kâbul may give a grand feast or entertainment (sûr) to all the grandees of the city. Therein, he may show coldness to him and speak cold words to him (marâ sard gûi) and call him a coward (nd javân mard). Thus insulted, he would leave Kâbul and go to his brother Rustam to complain. Rustam would come to revenge the insult to his brother. Then, on the road towards Kâbul, he may get a hunting-ground (nakhchir-gâh) prepared. I will describe what follows, in the very words of Firdousi, to enable us to see what kind of pitfall was aimed at : You prepare a hunting ground on the road (to Kâbul) and prepare several pits in that hunting ground. Prepare those pits (chah) of the size of Rustam and his horse (rakhsh), and fix in them long (pointed) swords (tîghhâ-e darâz) and also چنان بد که هر سال یک چرم گاو .. ز کابل مي خواستی باڑو ساو 1 |