the present method was invented there, yet the sample of printing was obtained from the Dutch editions of Donatus. Polydore Virgil wrote thus: "Joh. Gutenberg Teufonicus, equestri vir dignitate, ut ab ejus civibus accepimus, primus omniu' in Monguntio Germaniæ oppido imprimendar' Literar' artem excogitavit; decima sexto deinc anno (qui fuit A. Sal. 1458). Conradus, homo itidem Germanus, arte in Italia' attulit." Hadrian Junius mertions printing at Mentz, 1442; but with Costar's types. Caxton (as Meerman notes) 1482, set the invention of the art in 1455; about that time, indeed, it became public and general; as Palmer of Pisa, Polydore Vergil, and Werner's Fasciculus Tempor' evince. It ensued on the separation of Faust's Artists. But John Mentel exercised the art at Strasburg about 1444. Wintpheling (who died 1528) says, that Gutenberg had an imperfect knowledge of printing at Strasburg; though Peter Scheffer's son John as serts, that "Gutenberg invented (rather founded) printing at Mentz, 1450; where his father and John Faust improved it. "Elsewhere, he explains this of types. John Scott, 1531, attributes the invention to John Mental 1444. And Spiegel, the emperor Maximilian's secretary, wrote, that "John Mentel, at Strasburg, in the year 1444, invented the art of printing;" see Seiz. About the year 1458, both Gutenberg and Mentel could stamp 300 sheets daily. But I think that Gutenberg's eldest brother was a workman with Costar, and fled to his brother at Strasburg, but after wards repaired to Mentz. This accounts for the report that the art was brought from Strasburg thither,

How else could Gutenberg, who resided at Strasburg, from 1434 to 1444, learn the art from his elder brother; except, indeed, he visited him at Harlem, or both brothers served Costar, and about 1434 removed with the types first to Strasburg; for Seiz quotes an old manuscript, that says, they resided there, 1444; whence the eldest brother retired to Mentz about 1440. John Dun, a goldsmith, attested that he sold to Gutenberg, articles useful in printing about 1436. Thus at Harlem were invented wooden types, both fixed and moveable, about 1430; cut single letters of lead about 1436; and cast leaden types about 1438. Gutenberg introduced the art at Strasburg about 1439. His elder brother at Mentz about 1440; he printed under Faust's auspices in 1442. Afterwards Gutenberg came thither; and metalline types were cut for the Bible, 1450; and used for the Pslater, 1457; when the art as aforesaid became general. Scheffer, Faust's son-in-law, invented, or at least improved, cast types; with which Durandus was printed, 1459. Therefore, considering the early account of printing at Strasburg, given by Scott and Spiegel, and that the book De Miseria Lotharii was dated 1448, why doth Blainville (who recites an epigram, dated 1454, attributing the invention of printing to Germany) suspect, after Misson, the date of the book on Predestination, at Spire, which is 1446; the date of the Leonard des Utino; a book whose type greatly resembles the specimens of Mentel's press, in Meerman ; and bears every mark of a most ancient performance in that art. The large introductory capitals are not print-1

ed

ed. Neither pages nor folios are numbered, even though there is a table referring to the folios. The sheets have no marks; nor are there any catch-words, or custodes, at the bottom of the pages; the small capitals were in a very simple style. The letters are of unequal size; and the lines are uneven. The sentences have no distinguish ing marks, except quadrangular points. No labels adorn the heads of the pages, as in the Nuremberg Chronicle, 1493. It is probable, a religious society would have embraced the earliest opportunity to honour a member of their own body by committing his book to the newly-invented press, which must have been much admired as soon as understood. Therefore, Leonard's work appears as old as its date, maugre any opinionated Frenchman's positive ipse dixit to the contrary. The admirable Tully afforded a plain hint towards the invention; where (on the nature of the gods) he speaks of collecting and arranging a great number of separate letters; which, says he, could never fortuitously compose any intelligible or coherent treatise.

Conference between bishop Gardiner and sir James Hales, 1453; copied verbatim from a scarce specimen of early printing in the possession of the late Mr. Ames. From the same.

cause of just succession, refusing to set your hande to the booke, among others that were against hir grace in that beholfe; so now, through your owne late desertes, against certain hir highnes dooings, ye stande not well in hir graces favour. And therefor, before you take anie othe, it shal be necessarie for you to make your purgation.

Hales. I praie you, my lorde, what is the cause?

Chauncellor. Information is given that ye have indicted certain pristes in Kent, for saiing of masse.

Hales. Mi lorde, it is not so. I indicted none; but indede, certaine indictments of like matter wer brought before me at the last assises there holden, and I gave order therein, as the lawe required. For I have professed the lawe, against which, in cases of justice, will I never (God willinge) proceed, nor in anie wise dissemble, but with the same shewe forth mi conscience, and, if it were todo againe, I would do no lesse than I did.

Chauncellor. Yes, master Hales, your conscience is known wel inough. I know ye lacke no con

science.

Hales. Mi lorde, ye maie do wel to serch your own conscience, for mine is better knowne to mieself than to you; and to be plaine, I did as well use justice in your saide masse case bi mi conscience as bi the lawe, wherein I am fulli bent to stand in trial to the uttermost that can be objected; and if I have therein done anie injurie or wrong,

ye shall understand that like as the quenes highnes hath hertofore receivid good opinion of you, especialle, for that he stonde both faithfullie and lawfulli in hir

I will seek no better defence, considering chiefli that it is mi profession.

Chauncellor. Whi, master Hales, although ye had the rigour of the

lawe

lawe on yourside, yet ye might have

hadde regard to the quene's highnes present dooinges in that case. And further, although ye seme to be more then precise in the lawe; yet I thinke, ye wolde be veri loth to yelde to the extremitie of suche ad vantage as might be gathered a gainste your proceedings in the lawe, as ye have sometimes taken uppon you in place of justice. And, if it were well tried, I believe ye shud not be well able to stond honestlie thereto.

Hales Mi lord, I am not so perfect but I may erre for lacke of knowledge; but, both in conscience, and such knowledge of the lawe as God hath given me, I will do nothing but I will maintain and abide in it. And if mi goodes, and all that I have, be not able to counterpoise the case, mi bodie shal be redi to serve the turne, for thei be at all the quenes highnesse pleasure.

Chauncellor. Ah! sir, ye be very quicke and stoute in your answers; but as it shoulde seme, that which ye did was more of a will, favouring the opinion of your religion against the service nowe used, then for ani occasion or zeale of justice, seinge the quenes highnesse doeth set it forthe, as yet wishinge all hir faithful subjects to imbrace it accordingli; and where ye offer both bodie and goods in your triall, there

is no such matter required at youre handes, and yet ye shall not have your owne will neither.

Hales. My lord, I seke not wilful will, but to shew myself as I am bound in love to God, and obedience to the quenes majestie, in whose cause willingly, for justise sake, al other respectes set apart, I did oflate, (as your lordship knoeth), adventure as much as I had. And as for my religion, I trust it to be such as pleaseth God, wherein I am redy to adventure as well my life as my substaunce, if I be called thereanto. And so in lackie of mine owne power and wil, the Lordes wil be fulfilled.

Chauncellor. Seeing ye be at this point, master Hales, I wil presently make an end with youe. The quenes highnes shal be informed of youre opinion and declaration. And as hir grace shal therupon determine, ye shal have knowledge; until which tyme ye may depart as ye came without your oth, for, as it, appeareth, ye are scarce worthi the place appointed.

Hules. I thanke your lordship, and, as for my vocation, being both a burthen and a charge, more than ever I desired to take upon me; whensoever it shall please the quenes highnes to ease me thereof, I shall most humbli, with due contentation obei the same.-And so this upright judge departed from the bar.

The Land of Nineveh, a fragment; addressed to the farmers of Great Britain and Ireland, by a friend to husbandry; from the Annals of Agriculture.

there lived a

in the

land of Nineveh, who ruled the country in peace, and he distributed his favours among his people, giving to one great authority, and to others situations of emolument ; but no man was oppressed thereby, for he gave but his own, and what the laws of the land permitted.

And his nobles confederated to gether and said, "Why suffer we this thing? This man placeth over us whom he listeth, and giveth away what he pleaseth to others, and pays no proper respect to our claims: Let us endure it no longer: Let us displace him: Let us divide his possessions and authority amongst us, and we shall be happy." And they did so, and the king fled, and lived in another country, and the nobles returned triumphing each to his own home.

And the husbandmen of the country heard this, and they assembled together, and said, "Behold the king that reigned over us has filed, and his nobles has seized every thing he had, and they claim the inheritance of the land. What giveth them a right to do so?

What mattereth their wax or their parchments? The land is ours, for we till it, and we will pay them their heavy exactions no more." And the nobles were few in number, and no man could trust ano

ther; and

bandmen took each man the land he possessed, and he kept it as his own, and he lived in his own house rejoicing.

And these husbandmen had many servants, who were employed in tilling the land; and the servants said unto one another, "Whence cometh this? The king that reigned over us has fled, and his nobles are driven from their estates, and the husbandmen possess the soil, and they claim the whole land as their own; but what right have they to do so? Where are their deeds or parchments? Are their titles better than ours? Surely not. Let us then join together, let us drive these wicked men from our bounds, and let us divide the land among us." And they did so, and the husbandmen fled every where, and none of them retained a spot of the land they had formerly possessed, and the servants said, "There is none now to contest with us, we shall soon become rich and happy, we formerly tilled the land of others, we shall now cultivate our own."

And

And behold in the cities of that country, there dwelt persons pofessing different occupations; and these persons met together, and said, "What is this that we hear? The king that reigned over us has fled, and his nobles are banished from the land, and the husbandmen are driven from amongst us, and their servants are now possessors of the soil. Why should this be suffered? We live in crowded cities; we breathe unwholesome air; we toil for others more than for ourselves; we can procure but a bare subsistence. Let us join and act together. Our enemies are scattered over the face of the land. We will soon drive them before us, and enjoy their possessions in peace." And they assembled together, and took arms, and went against the servants of the husbandinen, and drove them out of the country, and those who resisted they put to death.

And the men of occupation now possessed the whole land, and they said," Let us divide it equally amongst us, that none may have more than his neighbour, and that all may share alike." And they quarrelled about the division, and

he sent a prophet to announce it them the way in which they should walk, and the prophet said unto them, "Let the men of occupation return to their professions by the exercise of which they obtain their share of the produce of the soil. Let the servants labour for their masters,` that the earth may be duly culti, vated. Let the husbandmen hire their land, from those who lawfully inherit it, for no man must possess the territory of another without his consent. Let the nobles be restored to their property, and they will watch over the interests of the state. Let the king be re-established on his throne, that he may protect his people from injury. And let property be held sacred, the sure basis of the prosperity of a state, AND ALL SHALL BE WELL." And it was so; and the people blessed the Lord, and said, "Now we see what is good for us, and how alone a multitude of people can dwell together." And they lived happily, and increased in numbers, and all the neighbouring nations rejoiced with them.

got, and they had no means of cultivating the soil, and they had no skill to do it, and famine spread over the land, and they wept bitterly, and said, “ When we had no land, we got what it produced in abundance, and now we have land, it yieldeth us nothing," and they cried, Give us some bread to eat."

And the Lord saw what the people suffered, and how much they repented of their transgressions, and he had compassion upon them, and

from the same.