it were not illiberal and unjust to misrepresent even an enemy. Our business was not to abuse, but to consider in what manner we could live in peace with them, without prejudice to our character and our interest. The motion recommended by Lord Lansdowne was objected to by the Duke of Leeds as improperly timed, and ill founded. Without enquiring into every motive for this war, it could not altogether be reputed unjust. The French system of government was so opposite in its very nature to all the established governments of Europe, that it must necessarily be viewed in the light of a constant and perpetual enemy, that would never cease to act against all the others till it had destroyedthem, or till they had brought about its own destruction. The manifestation of a desire of peace on our side, would rather tend to elate the French than to reconcile them. They would attribute it to timidity, and would probably rise in their terms. The Duke of Leeds was seconded by lord Sydney, who observed that the motion amounted to a declaration that we were no longer able to prosecute the war; that we placed no reliance on the coalition, and that we acknowledged the cause of the French to be just. Peace in the present stage of the contest would be unstable; and it now became us to act with firmness, and to yield nothing to an enemy whom we were in a situation to encounter, with every reasonable hope of compelling him to an agreement that might prove entirely satisfactory to the views propos d by the confederacy. He was followed by Lord Lau derdale, who spoke with his wonted warmth on the aspersions cast on the opposition to ministry. They were, he said, represented as the Jacobins of this country; but their principles were those on which the "constitution of Great Britain was founded, and without which it. could not be supported nor justified. The French were become odions to the princes of Europe, for having cast off the burthen of absolute monarchy; but was that a valid motive for Englishmen to coincide in that odium? The excesses of which they had been guilty, no good man would extenuate, but no honest man would deny that they were perfectly justifiable in refusing to submit to the injunctions of other nations in the management of their affairs. In answer to these allegations in favour of the motion, Lord Carlisle asserted, that however a speedy termination of the war was desirable, it could not with prudence or propriety be attempted while the eneuy remained so violent and invete rate, and while our preparations were so formidable, as to excite reasonable hopes of lowering his arrogance, Our arms had compel led him to abandon Holland, and expelled him from the Austrian Netherlands; we were masters of some of his strongest towns. the East Indies we had completely triumphed over them. What ne cessity could therefore impel us to sue for a peace, which would promote an intercours: the wisdom of the legislature had prohibited, but which war only could effectually prevent ? Lord Grenville spoke next a gainst the niotion. He considered the various arguments in its sup8 4 port, port, as inadequate to the proof of its expediency at the present time, and of its practicability during the ferment and implacable diaposition manifested in the Convention.The debate of this day would, in the mean time, he observed, satisfy those who had heard it and the public at large, that government had not acted rashly by prosecuting the war on the principles that moved them to undertake it. The people would be convinced that it was both just and necessary, and not entered into from ambitious and sinister motives. They would see how much it was their interest, as well as their duty, to preserve this country uncontaminated by those pernicious maxims that had filled France with all manner of woes; and from being one of the most agreeable countries in Europe, had converted it into one great and dismal scene of misery and horror. The designs of the French against the European governments, particularly that of Great Britain, were the constant topics of declamation both in the conventional and other assemblies. Such was their universal animosity to this country, that were it in their disposition to negociate, no man among them would take upon him to be a negociator. The abettors of the war had been desired to comprize in any two words its real motive. The answer required but one, Security. Provocation to war had been given to the German powers, and to Great Britain, which studiously sought to avoid a quarrel. The reproach of having altered the system of a fifteen years peace into that of a needless and expensive war, was unfair and illiberal. Could the minister foresee future contingencies? Was there at that time any symptoms of the dreadful explosion that since hap pened in France? The complaints of opposition respecting the treatment of M. Chauvelin were highly unjust that minister exerted all the abilities he was master of to sow the seeds of sedition in this country; and was at the bottom of some projects of actual insurrection. He had done sufficient mischief to merit an instant dismissal, and to authorize the conduct of ministers towards him, notwithstanding the pains taken to describe them as haughty and overbearing. The partizans he had gained were not, at this very hour, inactive; and were striving with all their might to effect the purposes of which he had recommended the execution. The words and phrases they had borrowed from French republicans, they were continually endeavouring to introduce in all discourses, for the purpose of rendering them familiar and acceptable to the public. the Notwithstanding the pressure of the war, commerce flourished, and the national resources were productive of all the means that were wanted for the public service. They were levied in a fair and regular manner; not with that disorderly violence and compulsion which characterized the management of the French finances, and subjected individuals to continual acts of extortion and rapacity. In reply to these allegations, it was observed by the Marquis of Lansdowne, that several of his ar guments, and of those adduced by the Duke of Grafton, had been re presented in a light that placed them, together with the other disapproven approvers of the ministry, among ment to the British constitution and to the family on the throne, had of late been distinguished by some acts of the legislature, as a dangerous combination of disaffected subjects, watching for opportunities to bring forward innovations inimical to the interests of the kingdom: but what were those innovations? To enjoy the same rights in civil matters as the other subjects of Great Britain. Various arguments were urged against their demands; but the real cause of their meeting with a refusal, was the rattachment to the principles of the opposition. They had certainly an uncontro vertible claim to every right enjoyed by their fellow-subjects, and it was a shameful grievance to withhold them. The duty of ministry in these critical times, was to conciliate all parties and all persuasions. The debate closed, by 103 against the motion, and only 13 in its favour. The great and unexpected success which had attended the arms of the French republic in the close of the year 1793, had so materially reversed the relative situation between them and the coalition, that all those lofty ideas and expectations it had indulged previously to the beginning of the last campaign, were totally obliterated. Defence, much more than conquest, was become the objects of the most judicious of their enemies, who clearly perceived, that to effect a reduction of so large a country as Françe, inhabited by a people so numerous, so determined to resist them, and animated by motives that had produced such wonderful exertions, was a task to be accomplished only by enemies impelled by motives equally cogent and enthusiastic. But the situation of the subjects of the the various princes forming the coalition, held out no objects sufficiently strong to stimulate them in like manner. This was a circumstance, however, which they did not sufficiently consider. The events of the latter part of the campaign, though conspicuously influ enced by the national disposition of the French, they still viewed as mischances solely occasioned by the ordinary causes that decide of ill fortune or of success, and were not willing to relinquish the hopes in which they had primarily indulged, and which had been the basis on which the coalition was originally founded. These hopes were generally understood to be the same that actuated the junction of Austria and Prussia, when they availed themselves of the distractions and feuds of an ill-governed and divided nation, to deprive it of independence, and partition it between them and other powers, without whose concurrence such a transaction could not have happened. But whatever ideas the continental members of the coalition still continued to entertain, the ruling powers in Great Britain began to remit of the sanguine prospects with which they had entered into the confederacy against France. Instead of the triumphant career they had promised to the public, they found themselves necessitated to apply to it in a far different style from whatthey had hither:ondopted. On the 6th of March a motion was made by Mr. Pitt for an augmentation of the militia, in order to provide for the better security of the kingdom against a menaced invasion by the French. To this measure he added another, which was to levy a volunteer force of horse and foot in every county. The first of these motions wa agreed to; but the second warmly opposed by Mr. A. Taylor, as injurious to agriculture and indus; try. It was observed by Mr. Francis, that after boasting of the successes we had obtained over the enemy, whose inability to resist had boldly been asserted a twelvemonth ago, we were now called upon to make the most serious preparations against the danger of his invading this country. That such a danger did exist he was inclined to believe, from the less arrogant languagenow adopted by ministers; and would not for that reason oppose the augmentation proposed. After some members had spoken in favour of the motion, Mr. Fox rose, and in a speech of considerable length, severely reprchended the conduct of ministry. Greater exertions were now required, he said, than when this country had not a single ally to face the united strength of America, Holland, Spain, and France, and was hourly threatened with an invasion: and now, with a marine decidedly supe rior to that of the enemy (without consulting parliament) and almost all Europe to assist us, France alone, represented as unsuccessful, was able to intimidate us. During the American war our danger was real, but did not appear so great as ministers affected to describe it. He would nevertheless assent to the motion for augmenting the militia. Mr. Ryder, in reply, took notice, that though incapable of persisting much longer in the contest, the French might, however, in some of those momentary exertions that had proved so successful and astonishing, meet again with the like suc cess, unless we were duly prepared to counteract them. To this Mr. Grey made answer, that these momentary exertions had lasten uninterruptedly from the beginning to the end of the campaign; and that, from the extreme anxiety of ministers, it appeared, potwithstanding the advantages gained by the armies of the coaition, that the situation of this country, instead of better, was worse; and that we were now in more danger than at the beginning of hostilities. The notion, after some more observations on both sides, was now carried. On the 17th of March a warm debate took place in the House of Commons. The ministry had issued a requisition, under the name of a recommendation, for the raising of yolunteer companies of horse and foot, in order to preserve internal peace, and suppress domestic insurrections; and to aid the military, if necessary, to repel an invading enemy. The measure was condemned by the opposition as unconstitutional; and the voluntary subscriptions proposed to support it, were in particular declared unlawful, without the specific consent of the legislature. In a subsequent discussion on the 21st of March, Mr. Sheridan demanded, whether that recommendation proceeded from the secretary of state? and in case it did, that it should be communicated to the House, which must of course be apprized of it, as it related to the levying of troops and money. The minister's reply was, that the recommendation was no more than a method adopted by ministry to direct it in the formation of a plan to be presented to the House as soon proper estimates of the expence had been regularly made out. Letters having been written by go- . vernment to the lieutenants of the several counties on this subject, Mr. Sheridan required they should be produced: but this being refused, he gave notice that he would move the House to declare its disapprobation of the measure. The minister, in answer to this, asserted that it was founded on precedent; and that money thus raised, had in vari ous instances, been expended in the support of troops, as it was proposed in the case before them. Pursuant to the notice he had given, Mr. Sheridan resumed this business on the 24th of March. Being, informed, he said, that a principal member of the coalition was about to leave it; he would of consequence gladly see the kingdom put into such a posture of defence as might secure it from the danger accruing from this unexpected dereliction: but this did not authorize any description of men to consult together how to raise and pay a military force without the consent of Parliament. This was the more censurable, as they did not act from their own motion, but by the direction of a secretary of state. Put what aggravated it still more, was the 1 otice publicly given in the papers, that those who re- ; fused compliance with this direction, would be considered as cnemies to government. Ministers in this matter had grievously offended. Why did they not consult Parliament, withont applying to lientenants and mingistrates of counties, who certainly could claim ng right to levy money on the subject? He moved, in conclusion, an address to the King for a communį, |