store union between the parties that still continued to divide the nation. In pursuance of this spirit of reconcilement and moderation, the petitions that were presented by those members that had been outlawed or imprisoned by the party that became predominant in the preceding year, were favourably received; and though for a while opposed by some who suspected the political principles of the petitioners, these were at length restored to their liberty, and shortly after to their seats in the Convention. Their number amounted to seventy. This equitable termination of a business that had occasioned many disquisitions, took place in the beginning of December. This month concluded with a decree that afforded general satisfaction to the people of France. Robespierre's murderous edict, prohibiting quarter to be given to the English, had always been held in detestation by the public; but the dread of his despotic sway kept every tongue silent on this as on other subjects. As it did not however produce the bloody effects he intended, and was totally disregarded by the military, it passed without notice, till some members of the Convention, indignant that such a decree should remain on their registers, procured its formal repeal. As it had been considered by all men of humanity as a monument of national disgrace, the decree repealing it was looked upon as a reparation of the public ho nour, and received in that light with the greatest approbation and applause. CHAP. X. Difficult and alarming Situation of the Confederates at the Close of 1793 Sentiments entertained of the French Principles of Polity in the different States and Kingdom of Europe; and more particularly in Great Britain. Aristocratical and Democratical Parties in this Country. State of the Public Mind at the Meeting of the British Parliament, January 1794. Speech from the Throne. Delates thereon in both Houses of Parliament, THE IIE close of the year 1793 had proved so propitious to the French on that theatre of the war where the most decisive events had taken place, that the coalesced powers were seriously alarmed at the prospect of those difficulties which they must surmount, in order to recover the ground they had lost, - before they could resume their efforts to make that impression upon France which was the main object of the coalition. In the commencement of the pre ceding campaign, they had entered the field big with the most sanguine expectations of crushing, in a very short time, the republican fabric that had been erected in France en the ruins of the monarchy, and of restoring the latter to its owners. Instead of succeeding in, this great design, they had, after suffering some mortifying defeats, been compelled to have recourse to retrograde motions, and at last to act chiefly on the defensive. This was a strange and very unexpected re verse of the fortune they had experienced at the beginning of the campaign. potic, commanded of course their external respect; but their real indifference for the persons and interests of their rulers, was notorious. The vicissitudes attending the reigning families, had long prevented that affectionate connection between prince and people, which is chiefly founded on the long duration of sovereignty in the indivi These events had equally astonished and perplexed all the members of the confederacy. The great mass of the people through out several of the dominions of those potentates in alliance against France was deeply tinctured with some of those principles that charac-duals of the same families. terized the French; and the latter were extremely diligent to propagate them in all parts of Europe, by means of those emissaries who were either in their pay, or who of ficiously undertook the task from personal zeal in their cause. The two countries wherein their principles were more ostensibly espoused than in any other, were at this time Great Britain and the Seven United Provinces of the Netherlands. Their neighbours in the Belgic provinces, lately reduced to the obedience of Austria, after a vain and ill-conducted attempt to cast off its yoke, were nearly of the same sentiments; but restrained from manifesting them, through fear of the numerous military stati oned among them. In Germany the partizans of the new system of politics were very considerable in point of numbers; but the watch ful eyes of the many sovereigns among whom this extensive and populous region is divided, kept them in too much awe to venture on explicitly declaring themselves. In Italy a long settled abjectness of spirit held the inhabitants in the profoundest subjection both of body and mind. The only attachment they felt was to their religion:their rulers had, in general, little of their veneration. The govern ments they lived under being des VOL. XXXVI. The new principles adopted in France had indeed found their way into Italy; but they had made few proselytes among the commonalty:those who seemed to pay them attention were chiefly the literati; and, even among these, they were considered merely as objects of speculation. Little did they imagine that the day was fast approaching when they would be reduced to practice; and that, next to France, Italy was destined to become the principal theatre of their exertions. In Spain and Portugal the maxims embraced by the people of France, and the conduct resulting from them, had been universally reprobated. Firmly attached to the religious and political tenets of their fathers, the Spaniards and Portuguese had hitherto scrupulously abstained even from bestowing the least reflection on French principles, looking upon them as undeniably false and iniquitous, and equally pernicious to mankind and offensive to Heaven. It was not till towards the end of 1793, or rather the opening of the ensu ing year, that through dint of indefatigable perseverance, the concealed agents of France had found means, through those insinuating arts wherein the French so remarkably excel, to introduce their reN publican publican notions to the favour of those individuals in whom they discovered discontent at their government. The number of these in the Spanish provinces bordering on France was: considerable. They recollected thaty informer days, the French had assisted their forefathers when they took up arms against the oppressions of the Spanish government. Nor indeed were the Spa niards at large averse to the idea of limiting the power of the court, and restoring the ancient cortes, or states. This idea had lately been favourably received by a large majority of the Spanish nation; which, though by no means inclined to republicanism, seemed thoroughly persuaded of the superiority of a limited monarchy over despotism. It was principally in Biscay, Catalonia, and the contiguous provinces, that the French were studious to disseminate their principles; and there they were not a little successful. The distance of Portugal from the great scenes of action, was its best security against the introduction of French tenets. Immersed in the profoundest bigotry, the people of that country were the most submissive of any to the absurdest doctrines and the basest slavery. The northern parts of Europe stood aloof: rather fearful than unwilling to share in this great contest between France and its numerous enemies. Sweden, though Jately governed by a king who openly avowed his hatred of the French, had boldly maintained a resistance to unqualified monarchy; and this prince had fallen a martyr to his principles by the hands of one of his subjects. Those to whom he bequeathed the reins of admi nistration, were too wise to tread in his unfortunate steps, in defiance of the best part of the Swedish nation; which therefore continued in a situation of neutrality. Denmark happily followed this prece dent, and though considered by some politicians as an implicit dependant of Russia, it shewed upon this occasion, that, under the guidance of a sagacious ministry, it was able to consult its own interest, and to avoid a servile acquiescence in the dictates of an imperious ally. Russia, the scourge and terror of all her neighbours, could not, consistently with the maxims of her government, be the friend of any nation that countenanced those of France. Risen victorious from her contest with the Ottoman empire, and flushed with her acquisitions in Poland, she would willingly have seen every power in Europe involved in the quarrel with France, in the hope of being able to profit by the loss and expence in which this would have involved them. In this hope she abstained from all active interference, and reserved herself for the critical mo. ment, when those powers, on whom she chiefly kept a vigilant eye, should retire from the quarrel, weary and exhausted. But her views had hitherto been frustrated. The dread of these administered prudence to some, who from complicated motives might otherwise have thought themselves sufficiently aggrieved by the measures enforced against them by a leading member of the coalition, to have sided with France in a decisive and ostensible manner. Thus it happened, that whatever insidious designs Russia might harbour respect ing her neighbours, the suspicions of her ambitious disposition fully counteracted them, and at the same time rendered her enmity to France of no utility to the general combination against that power. But of all countries, that wherein the revolution in France had been most applauded was Great Britain. Notwithstanding the disapprobation that followed the abolition of monarchy, and the abhorrence of those enormities perpetrated by the republican party, a large portion of the British nation remained partial to a cause which they looked upon as that of liberty. While they condemned the excesses and horrors to which the maintenance of this liberty had given occasion, they still thought that, of the two evils, a temporary confusion and anarchy was preferable to the re-establishment of despotism. But this portion, however considerable, was yet inferior to that which considered the restoration of monarchy in France as indispensably necessary to the safety of the British constitution; and held at the same time a republican system of government in that country, as incompatible with the interests of every kingdom in Europe. That portion of the British community which opposed those ideas, was represented by the other as harbouring secret designs against the constitution, and intending to seize the first opportunity of imitating the example set them by the French republicans. So grievous an accusation lay the heavier on these, from the marked exultation they displayed at the victories obtained by the French, and their continual complaints and reprobation of all ministerial measures. But what chiefly contributed to render this party suspected of the very worst designs, was their positive and explicit demand of such alterations in the constitution, as would tend to throw the whole power of the state into the hands of the people. This, together with a strict imitation, in their numerous meetings, of the phrases and personal modes of addressing each other, adopted by the French republicans, appeared indisputable proofs of a de-termination to overthrow the present government, and to substitute in its place an absolute democracy. Hence arose the two odious appellations of Aristocrat and Democrat*. The former, bestowed on those who opposed all changes in the constitution; the latter, on those who demanded the se, together with an immediate peace with *The word Aristocracy properly signifies, the sovereign power in the hands of the best men: Democracy, the sovereign power in the hands of the people. As there is no one who would not wish to pass for a friend at once to the people and to moral wisdom, there is no one who should be offended at being called either an aristocrat or democrat. It is a pity that these two terms, which, according to their original signifi cation, should recall sentiments of union and philanthropy to the minds of all men, should have become the watch-words of general discord! The question is, Whether wisdom and virtue are most likely to be found among the higher ranks, denominated aristocrats, or in the mass of the people? The general welfare is the pretence of both parties. The real object of the leaders, and most zealous partizans of both, has been found at nost uniformly to be their own private interest and ambition. N 2 France, France, and an acknowledgment of the French republic. The question between the two parties was now become of the most serious magnitude. It involved universally all the inhabitants of Great Britain. The animosities it excited were far greater and more dangerous than those which had been produced by the American war. These, when at their height, were chiefly caused by difference of opinion concerning the duration of parliament, and the manner of representation. But the present question embraced objects of much greater importance. It was not a part, but the whole of the British constitution, a reform of which was required. This was well understood to be the ultimate view of the democratic party; nor was this party averse to acknowledge the reality of this imputation. The violence which agitated those who approved, as well as those who opposed the measures of government, foreboded the most unfortunate consequences. As they both appeared equally resolute to maintain at all events the system they had respectively espoused, men of prudence and moderation, who sought no more than a redress of real and visible grievances, soon discovered that the number of individuals of their own way of thinking, was too inconsiderable to prove of any weight against the multitudes on either side that were determined to listen to no terms of accommodation, and to carry their point, or perish in the attempt. A conviction of this nature compelled them at once to make their option between these irreconcileable opponents, and to tange themselves on that side for which they felt a preponderance of inclination. The consequence was that, guided by the maxin to choose the least of the two evils, they thought it their interest to submit to inconveniences, of which the constitution could not in the present fermentation be forcibly divested without hazarding its existence. Such a determination exposed them to the most virulent taunts and invectives of those who were resolved to persist to the last in requiring those extensive reforms, without which, they alleged, there could be no real free. men. Such was the state of the public mind when the parliament met on the 21st of January 1794. The royal speech, as it bad been expected, recommended a vigorous prosecution of the war, on the prosperous issue of which depended the preservation of the constitution, laws, and religious establishment of the kingdom, and the security of all civil society. The efforts of France to resist her numerous enemies, were, it is said, founded solely on the violent usurpation of every branch of the nation into the hands of its present rulers, which rendered them absolute masters of people's lives, of which they disposed in the most arbitrary manner. But as the system they had adopted openly violated every restraint of justice, humanity, and religion, it had necessarily produced internal discontent and confusion; and the vast efforts proceeding from that system tended rapidly to exhaust the natural and real strength of the country. The concluding part of the speech stated the ground and origin of the war to have been an attack on Great Britain and its allies; founded on principles tending to destroy all property, to sub |