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solar than Olympian. Hephaistos occupies a day in falling from heaven to Lemnos (Il. i. 592). Poseidon passes in four strides from Samothrace to Aigai, and is then drawn by his horses along the sea at a very rapid pace (1l. xiii. 20, 27), but Athenê and Apollo have no rapidity because they have no pace, and distances do not exist for them. Specially unlike are the case of Herê (П. xiv. 225–30), and that of Hermes, who, having come down from Olympos on his message to Kalupso, passes over the region of Pieriê, sweeps down upon the sea and skims it like a cormorant (Od. v. 51). Apollo is likened indeed to a hawk, swiftest of birds, when he descends from Ida to the battlefield, but no local point ever intervenes. I do not clearly find even a partial exception where Athenê touches Marathon on her way to Athens (Od. vii. 80) from Scheriê. On this I have touched elsewhere.

c. Again as to personal needs.

The most widely applicable of these limitations in Homer has regard to the senses of taste and smell. To the gods in general is ascribed habitually delight in banquets, and delight in the sacrifices offered by men, so that the favour accorded to individuals is often based upon their punctuality in the matter of hecatombs. So with Hector (Il. xxiv. 33-4), and with Odysseus (Od. i. 61-3, 65-7) for the gods at large. But neither Athenê nor Apollo is ever said to take delight in the reek and flavour of the offerings. Apollo finds his pleasure in the hymn (I. i. 474) and Athenê in her being selected among the gods for priority (Od. iii. 53).

Neither of these deities is ever stated to eat, drink, or sleep. Athenê receives the cup in the festivities at Pulos, and hands it to Telemachos; but we are not told that she drinks it, and she is disguised as Mentor. On the other hand eating and drinking, and delight in these functions, are assigned to the immortals generally (П.i. 601-2). Calupso prepares a table with nectar and ambrosia for Hermes (Od. v. 92), exactly as if he had been a human guest. Iris is invited by the Winds to join their banquet (Il. xxiii. 207) and begs off for fear (as she says) she should lose her share of the Olympian hecatombs.

d. Again, neither Athenê nor Apollo on any occasion is wearied or wounded, or suffers pain, or is swayed by passion. Zeus ascribes to Herê almost a brutal and infuriated passion against Troy :

ἀσπερχὲς μενεαίνεις (Il. iv. 32).
τότε κεν χόλον ἐξακέσαιο (ibid. 36).

Troy is hateful to her as well as to Herê (άπýפεto, Il. xxiv. 27), but her hatred is without excitement. Irritate me not,' says Aphroditê to Helen, and her use of such language at once marks an inferior stamp of deity (Il. iii. 414).

e. The other note set upon Olympian personages generally, of sexual susceptibility manifested mainly by human progeny, does not VOL. XXII.-No. 125.


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appear to be found in Apollo,1 and is rigidly and effectually excluded from the conception of Athenê. Pallas, only second among her names to Athenê itself, has reference to her as a maiden goddess,13 a character which she retained down to the latest days of the Olympian mythology.

XI. Neither of these deities is associated with a local home such as that of Hephaistos in Lemnos, Poseidon in Aigai, Arês in Thrace, Aphroditê in Paphos; the two last especially (Od. viii. 359–66).

Among the very few passages in the Poems which are, in my view, subject to suspicion, are the two which, one of them in each Poem, assign incidentally to Athenê a distinction and importance either inconsistent with, or at the least nowhere borne out by, the general strain of the Poems. These are Il. ii. 547-51 and Od. vii. 78-81. In the first, autochthonism is assigned to Erechtheus, who is reared by Athenê, deposited in her rich temple, and periodically propitiated with offerings of bulls and lambs. Now autochthonism was the claim, and regular hero-worship was the idea and practice, of a later age. In the second passage, Athenê leaves Scheriê, passes over the sea, reaches Marathon and Athens, and enters the dwelling of Erechtheus. The introduction of Marathon is appropriate, for it marks by a Phoenician name the passage of the goddess from the outer to the inner geographical zone, from the foreign to the Achaian sphere of life. Marathon and Athens again are stated as if they were for her one geographical point only. She reached Marathon and wide-wayed Athens.' Now, in no other place, I think, is either Athenê or Apollo said, though Apollo quits Hector (Il. xxii. 213), to quit one place in order to arrive at another. But her entrance into the hall or palace of Erechtheus is a much more suspicious note. We hear nowhere else of this domos, and the resort to it as if a place of usual sojourn is altogether out of keeping with the majesty of Athenê and her freedom from local ties. The passage seems to bear palpably on the face of it the purpose of compliment, in the blooming age of Athens, to those who at the date of the Poems were among the least prominent members of the Achaian nation.


XII. The worship offered to Athenê and Apollo does not appear to have been subject to any local limitation. Even in Scheriê, beyond the limit of Hellenic life and experience, though she is not made manifest (enargés), she freely exercises powers, while on the other hand in Troas, the land of the Nature Powers, she holds a very high position. She thought it necessary to offer to Odysseus in Od. xiii. 341-3 a special reason, which had led her to abstain from This seems to helping him during his journey in the outer zone.

imply that wherever he went she had the power to help him.

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12 See Apollo,' Sect. IV.

13 See Liddell and Scott. It has the same root as pallakis and pallax. In Strabo (816) Pallades are virgin priestesses, of whatever deity.

In the case of Apollo, the affirmative evidence is more strong and clear. We may almost with literal truth say that he is worshipped, according to the Poems, in every country where mention is made of any worship whatever. He has temples at

Chrusê, Il. i. 39; Troy, v. 445-8; Putho, ix. 404, Od. viii. 79.

He has a priest and therefore also a temple at Ismaros, among the Kikones (Od. ix. 197).

And we have also notices of his worship, or his power, at

Killa, Пl. i. 32

Tenedos, ibid.

Zeleia, Il. ii. 824-7

Delos, Od. vi. 162

Ithaca, Od. xvii. 251, et al.

Aitolia, Il. ix. 560

Mount Sipulos, xxiv. 605, 615
Pieriê, ii. 766

Lukiê, or Lycia, v. 105.

Again, as Apollo was the god of Seers, we may regard him as a deity acknowledged wherever they exercise their profession (Od. ix. 508, xv. 223-56; Пl. ii. 831). Only in Scheriê and Pulos have we worship mentioned, without any mention of Apollo; but in both we have mention of the gods generally, as well as of particular divinities (Od. iii. 419, vi. 10), so that this silence in no way implies exclusion.

XIII. There remains one important point for consideration. It is the exercise of powers not lying within the ordinary course of nature or of human experience. Under some of the heads of this collocation of the two deities, the evidence has been more copious in the case of Apollo. In this important branch, the development of power is most remarkable in the case of Athenê.

a. I observe in the first place that the Theophanies of Apollo and Athenê are much more free and frequent than those of any other deity. In a religion which has for its inspiring genius close approximation between godhead and manhood, the power of assuming human form will not be considered as any special mark of what may be termed the higher godhead. Accordingly it is exercised (but very imperfectly, Il. iii. 386, comp. 396) even by Aphroditê, whose relative Olympian rank is as low as her standard of action. There are, however, notes attaching to the transformations and manifestations of Athenê and Apollo, which are distinctive. They transform themselves not only into the form of men, but into that of birds; and they appear at will either in their own form or in one not their own. Athenê, for example, at least six times in her own form (Il. i. 194 et al.; Od. xiii. 299 et al.). Not less than seventeen times she appears in various human forms. These instances are scattered over books i.-xxii. of the Iliad, and books i.-viii. and xiii.-xxiv. of the Odyssey. Apollo appears four times in his own form, and six times in human form (П. iv. 239-62 et al.; Il. xvi. 715-26 et al.). She also appears as a vulture, in concert with Apollo, sitting on the Phegos to watch the

battle of Il. vii. (22, 58–61). In Od. i. 320, iii. 371, xxii. 240, she assumes the form of various birds: possibly also, though less probably, this is meant in П. xix. 350: and in Il. xv. 236 of Apollo. It is also observable that in Theophanies they become visible or known to particular persons at will without being recognisable by others in the same. company. See for Athenê Il. i. 198, and for Apollo ll. xvii. 322-35.

b. We observe, in the cases of Apollo and Athenê, a free exercise of creative power not accorded to other deities. Thus Apollo, when Aineias has been wounded, produces an Eidolon or counterpart of him, sufficiently substantial to pass for him on the field of battle (I. v. 431-53); and Athenê consoles Penelopê when disconsolate by sending to her while sleeping an Eidolon in female form of her sister Iphthimê (Od. v. 795–803).

c. It is, however, a point of still greater weight that in dealing with phenomena purely physical these deities, and these alone, exclusively can turn in whatsoever direction they will the established processes of nature.

I must not omit to notice an apparent exception, which by its particulars confirms the rule. It is the case of the kine of the Sun, slaughtered by the crew in the Twelfth Odyssey. The roasted flesh lowed upon the spits, and the hides crept about the island (Od. xii. 394-6). It is to be remembered that this was in a region where the worship of the Sun was dominant, and which was indeed consecrated to him. But it was not the Sun who effected these prodigies: they were exhibited by the supreme power of the gods at large :

θεοὶ τέραα προύφαινον.

The principal manifestations of this abnormal, and so to speak despotic, power over nature are, on the part of Apollo, few but decisive. One is when, without labour, or even the use of a symbolic medium, he turns the mouths of the eight enumerated rivers of Troas upon the Achaian rampart to destroy it (Il. xii. 24-32). The other is the case of the portents which complete, in the sensible sphere, the terrible moral preparations for the coming slaughter. When Athenê has done her part with the minds and persons of the Suitors, Theoclumenos, the Seer and servant of Apollo, enumerates a series of attendant phenomena. Darkness envelopes the company at their banquet there is lamentation, there are tears: the walls and recesses are blood-besprinkled: eidola move about on their way to Erebos. Whether or not we are to suppose that these objects were seen by the Suitors, they were evidently presented, out of the order of nature, to the inspired vision of the servant of Apollo who describes them. They must therefore be considered as due to the agency of the god (Od. xx. 350-7).

In the more fully developed case of Athenê, I shall distinguish degrees or kinds.

We are, perhaps, not surprised when the goddess of war (1) Diverts the arrow of Pandaros, Il. iv. 130-140. (2) Guides the spear of Diomed against him, v. 290–6. (3) Averts the spear of Arês, and impels that of Diomed, viii. 53-6. (4) Stays the spear of Sokos hurled at Odysseus, xi. 437.

(5) Diverts the spear of Hector and makes it return to him. (6) Recovers the spear of Achilles and returns it to him, xxii. 275-7.

Yet it is to be observed that none of these offices are ever performed by Arês, the god of war proper in the Olympian scheme. Further, in the games, she restores to Diomed his whip, breaks the yoke of his competitor's chariot, and infuses courage and speed into his horses (xxiii. 388-405).

In the scene of Od. xx. 345, besides acting on the minds of the Suitors, she causes them to shed tears, and defiles with blood the mouthfuls of flesh which they are eating. She gives stature, and beauty, or plumpness to Odysseus (Od. vi. 229,viii. 218, 223), to Penelopê (xviii. 187), and to Laertes (xxiv. 367). She is said also in xiv. 216 to have given muscular force to the Pseudodysseus. In these cases instantaneous change of physical features appears to be implied, but it is not sharply expressed. Nothing in the way of instrument or second cause, such as the kestos of Aphrodite (Il. xiv. 214), is employed.

But there are a series of transformations and retransformations of Odysseus himself which are, even profusely, employed in the Odyssey, and which deserve particular notice, first for the trenchant nature of the operation, which amounts to the production in a moment of a complete metastoicheiosis, as far as feature and general appearance are concerned. Secondly, because here at length, perhaps with reference to the radical nature of the change, we find the introduction of an instrument or symbol. But it does not extend to all the cases.

Here is the series of the facts.

(1) She undertakes to transform Odysseus in eyes, flesh, and hair, so as to make him repulsive in appearance, and incapable of recognition by any one (Od. xiii. 397-403). She strikes him with a rod, and it is done (429–33). He is also clothed in wretched gar


(2) In Od. xvi. 172, again using a rod, she restores his hair and his person, together with excellent clothing (comp. 207-12).

(3) In 454-6, the second transformation is effected, and the stroke with the rod is a third time used.

(4) For the battle against Iros, without removing the transformation (xviii. 68-74), and without the use of the rod, she restores his limbs, and, so to speak, the fighting man, to force and fulness.

(5) Finally in Od. xxiii. 156 she retransforms him for the great recognition by Penelopê, restoring him to fulness of beauty, and

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