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les pays dont le boudhisme est la loi religieuse? Le páli différe-t-il suivant les diverses contrées où il domine comme langue sacrée, où bein est-il patrout uniformément et invariablement le même ? Enfin, le páli présente-t-il quelques analogies avec les dialectes dérivés de la même source qui lui; et, s'il en presente, de quelle nature sont-elles? On conviendra sans peine que le seul moyen d'essayer de resoudre de pareilles questions, est de donner une analyse exacte de la structure grammaticale du páli: c'est ce que nous allons tenter de faire; mais, avant que nous commençions, qu'on nous permette quelques remarques sur les materiaux et les sources, où nous avons puiser la connaissance de cette langue.

Il y a deux moyens d'arriver à la connaissance d'un idiome auquel les travaux des grammairiens ont donné, pour ainsi dire, une constitution propre, et dont la culture est attestée par des compositions litteraires; c'est de l'apprendre dans les grammaires originales, c'est-à-dire, aller de l'inconnu au plus inconnu, ou d'en abstraire la connaissance des livres et de la litterature même. Les secours de la première espèce existent pour le páli, au moins Leyden affirme-t-il qu'on possede á Ceylan quelques vocabulaires et grammaires de cette langue, et Joinville donne en effet le titre de plusieurs ouvrages de ce genre, dans son Memoire citée plus haut. Pour nous, ce secours nous a completement manqué; il nous a donc fallu faire la grammaire nous-mêmes, mais les ouvrages qui nous ont servi pour ce dessein, quoi qu' extrêmement interessans sous un autre rapport, se sont malheureusement trouves les moins propres à faciliter un pareil travail. On verra par les notices, que nous avons donné dans l'appendice, des manuscrits dont nous avons fait usage, qu'ils sont presqu' exclusivement d'une nature philosophique et religieuse. Dans les compositions de ce genre, le style est peu varié, et il reproduit constamment, avec le retour des mêmes formules, la monotone repetition des mêmes inflexions grammaticales. Il eût été à desirer que nous eussions pu consulter un plus grand nobre d'ouvrages historiques, qui nous eussent donné une grande varieté de mots et de formes, et c'est pour n'avoir pas eu ce secours que nous n'avons pu determiner l'etendue réelle de la conjugaison pali."

In no part of the world, perhaps, are there greater facilities for acquiring a knowledge of Páli afforded, than in Ceylon. Though the historical data contained in that language have hitherto been underrated, or imperfectly illustrated, the doctrinal and metaphysical works on buddhism are still extensively, and critically studied by the native priesthood; and several of our countrymen have acquired a considerable proficiency therein. The late Mr. W. Tolfrey, of the Ceylon civil service, projected the translation of the most practical and condensed Páli Grammar extant in Ceylon, called the Balávátáro, and of Moggallana's Páli vocabulary, both which, as well as the Singhalese dictionary, scarcely commenced, I understand, at that gentleman's death, have been successfully completed, and published by the Rev. B. Clough, a Wesleyan missionary, by whose labour and research, the study of both the ancient and the vernacular languages of this island has been facilitated in no trifling degree.

I might safely rest on this translation of the Báláwátáro, and on the Páli historical work I have now attempted to give to the public, the claims both of the Páli language for refinement and purity; and of the historical data its literature contains for authenticity. I shall, however, now proceed to give a brief, but more precise account of both.

The oldest Páli grammar noticed in the literature of Ceylon, is that of Kachcháyano. It is not now extant. The several works which pass under the name of Kachcháyano's grammars, are compilations from, or revisions of, the original; made at different periods, both within this island and in other parts of Asia. I have never waded through any of them, having only consulted the Báláwátáro.

The oldest version of the compilation from Kachcháyano's grammar is acknowledged to be the Rúpasiddhi. I quote three passages; two from the grammar, and the other from its commentary. The first of these extracts, without enabling me to fix (as the name of the reigning sovereign of Ceylon is not given) the precise date at which this version was compiled, proves the work to be of very considerable antiquity, from its having been composed in the Daksina, while buddhism prevailed there as the religion of the state. The second and third extracts, in my opinion, satisfactorily established the interesting and important point that Kachcháyano,* whose identity, Mr. Colebrooke says in his essay, is

* Cátyáyana.

H

"involved in the impenetrable darkness of mythology," was one of the eighty celebrated contemporary disciples of Gótamo Buddho, whose names are repeatedly mentioned in various portions of the Pitakattaya. He flourished therefore in the middle of the sixth century before the birth of Christ, and upwards of four hnndred years before Bhatrihári, the brother of Vicramaditya, by whom, according to Mr. Colebrooke's essay, "the amended rules of grammar were formed into memorial verses;" as well as before Kálidas, on whose play professor Wilson comments."

The first quotation is from the conclusion of the Rúpasiddhi :--

Wikhy át ánandathérawhaya waragurúnań Tambapanṇiddhajánań sissó Dipańkarákkhyo Damilawasumati dipalad happakáso Báládlichchádi wásaddwitayamadhiwusan, sásanań jótayi yó, sóyam Buddhappiyawho yati; imamujukan Rûpasiddhiń akási.

A certain disciple of A'nando, a preceptor who was* (a rallying point) unto eminent preceptors like unto a standard, in + Tambapanni, named Dipankaro, renowned in the Damila kingdom (of Chola) and the resident-superior of two fraternities, there, the Baládichchá, (and the Chudámanikyo), caused the religion (of Buddho) to shine forth. He was the priest who obtained the appellation of Buddhappiyo (the delight of Buddho,) and compiled this perfect Rúpasiddhi.

Buddhappiyo commences the Rúpasiddhi in these words :

Kachcháyanancháchariyań namitwá; nissáya Kachcháyanawanṇandliń, bálappabólhatthamujuń karissań wyattan sukandań padarúpasiddhiń.

Reverentially bowing down to the Acha'rayo Kachcha'ano, and guided by the rules laid down by the said Kachcháyano, I compose the Rúpasiddhi, in a perspicuous form, judiciously subdivided into sections, for the use of degenerated intellects (of the present age, which could not grasp the original).

In the commentary on the Rúpasiddhi, we find the following distinct and important particulars regarding Kachcháyano, purporting to be conveyed in his own words:

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Kachchassa apachchań, Kachcháyanó. Kachchótikira, tasmiń gottė pathamapuriso. Tappahhawantá tabbansiká sabbéwa Kachcháyaná játá. "Tubbańsi kicháyamiti Kachcháyano, Kócháyan Kachcháyanó náma ? Yó étadaggań, Bhikl hawe! mama sáwakánań bhikkhúnań sankhitténa bhásitassa wittháréṇa atthan wibbajantánań yadidań Mahakachcháyanóti itadaggé thapito Bhagawa mań chatuparisamajjhe nisinnó, Suriyarasmisamphussawikasamánamiwa paduman sassirikan mukhań wiwaritwd, Brahmaghosan nichchhárentó. Gangáya wáluká khŋyé; wlakań khiyé mahannawé; mahiyá mattiká khíyć; lakkhéna mama buddhiyó, ádiná nána gajja̸nań gajjituń, samatthó makápanno, bhikkhawé; Sáriputtóti ádidá; tésu tésu suttėsu attanáwa ; Lókanáthań thapelwana yéchaṇne idhapáninó paṇṇáya Sáriputtassa kalań nágghanti solasanti ádiná; áchariyehi wannitaṇané Sáriputtóchá; tadaṇyésucha pabhinnapatisambhidésu mahásáwakésu wijjamánėsupi ; Chakkawattirájá wiyá rajjawahanasamatthuń jetthaputtań parináyakaṭṭháné thapento, Tathagatawachanań wibhajantánań éta laggé thapési. Handáhań Tathágatassa pachchúpakárań karissámi. Dátabbaméwaṭhánantarań Bhagawá ałási. Bhagawato yathábhuchchakathanań saddahápessámi. Ewań sati náná désa bhásá Sakkatádi khalitawachana manákárań jetwá, Tathágaténa wuttáya subháwa niruttiyá, sukhina Buddhawachanań uggaṇhissantiti :” attano balań dassento Niruttipitakań “atthó akkharasaṇy átóti” imassa wákkyassa yatká búthan saidalakkhanamakási, Só Mahákachcháyanatthéró idha Kachcháyanóti

wutto.

Kachcháyano signifies the son of Kachcho. The said Kachcho was the first individual (who assumed that name as a patronymic) in that family. All who are descended from that stock are, by birth, Kachcháyaná.

"(If I am asked) Who is this Kachcháyano? Whence his name Kachcháyano ?" (I answer), It is he who was selected for the important office (of compiling the first Páli grammar, by Buddho himself; who said on that occasion): Bhikkhus from amongst my sanctified disciples, who are capable of elucidating in detail, that which is expressed in the abstract, the most eminent is this Mahákachcháyano.'"

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Bhagawa (Buddho) seated in the midst of the four classes of devotees, of which his congregation was composed, (viz. priests and priestesses, male and female lay ascetics;)-opening his sacred mouth, like unto a flower expanding under the genial influence of Surio's rays, and pouring forth a stream of eloquence like unto that of Brahmo,-said: 'My disciples ! the profoundly wise Sáriputto is competent to spread abroad the tidings of the wisdom (contained in my religion) by his having proclaimed of me that," To define the bounds of his omniscience by a standard of measure, let the grains of sand in the Ganges be counted; let the water in the great ocean be measured; let the particles of matter in the great earth be numbered; as well as by his various other discourses.'

"It has also been admitted that, excepting the saviour of the world, there are no others in existence whose wisdom is equal to one sixteenth part of the profundity of Sáriputto. By the Achárayos also the wisdom of Sariputto has been celebrated. Moreover, while the other great disciples also, who had overcome the dominion of sin and attained the four gifts of sanctification, were yet living; he (Buddho) allotted, from among those who were capable of illustrating the word of Tathagato, this important task to me,-in the same manner that a Chakkawatti rája confers on an eldest son, who is capable of sustaining the weight of empire, the office of Parinayako. I must therefore render unto Tathagato a service equivalent to the honor conferred. Bhagawa has assigned to me a most worthy commission. Let me place implicit faith in whatever Bhagawa has vouchsafed to propound.

"This being achieved, men of various nations and tongues, rejecting the dialects which have become confused by its disorderly mixture with the Sanscrit and other languages, will, with facility, acquire, by conformity to the rules of grammar propounded by Tathagato, the knowledge of the word of Buddho." Thus the thero Mahákachcha'yano, who is here (in this work) called simply Kachcháyano, setting forth his qualification; pursuant to the declaration of Buddho, that "sense is represented by letters," composed the grammatical work called Niruttipitako.*

There are several other editions or revisions of Kachcháyano's grammar, each professing, according as its date is more modern, to be more condensed and methodized than the preceding one. In the version entitled the Payóghasiddhi alone (as far as my individual knowledge extends) is to be found the celebrated verse,

"Sá Mágadhi; múla bhasá, nardyéyadi kappiká, brahmánóchassuttálápá, Sambuddhachapi bhásari. From these different grammars, the Báláwátáro, translated by the Rev. Mr. Clough, was compiled. The last Páli edition of that work brought to my notice, is reputed to have been revised at the commencement of the last century.

I am not aware that there is more than one edition of the vocabulary called the Abhídhánappadípiká, a translation of which is annexed to Mr. Clough's grammar. The Páli copy in my possession was compiled by one Moggalláno, at the Jéto wiháro, in the reign of Parakkamo; whom I take to be the king Parakkamo, who reigned at Pulatthinagaro, between A. D. 1153, and 1186, and the work itself is almost a transcript of the Sanscrit Amerakósha; which is also extant in Ceylon. There is also another series of grammars called the Moggalláno, deriving their name from the author of the Abhídhánappadipiká, above mentioned.

The foregoing observations, coupled with the historical data, to which I shall now apply myself, will serve, I trust, to prove, that the Páli or Mágadhi language had already attained the refinement it now possesses, at the time of Gótamo Buddho's advent. No unprejudiced person, more especially an European who has gone through the ordinary course of a classical tuition, can consult the translation of the Báláwátáro, without recognizing in that elementary work, the rudiments of a precise and classically defined language, bearing no inconsiderable resemblance, as to its grammatical arrangement, to the Latin; nor without indeed admitting that little more is required than a copious and critical dictionary, to render the acquisition of that rica, refined, and poetical language, the Páli, as facile as the attainment of Latin.

Another name for the Rúpasiddhi

In developing the more interesting question, involving the character, the value, and the authenticity, of the historical data contained in the Páli buddhistical annls, I must enter into greater detail; and quote with greater explicitness the authorities from which my exposition is derived ;-as it is opposed, in many essential respects, to the views entertained by several eminent orientalists who have hitherto discussed this subject, from records extant in other parts of India.

It is an important point connected with the buddhistical creed, which (as far as I am aware) has not been noticed by any other writer, that the ancient history, as well as the scheme of the religion of the buddhists, are both represented to have been exclusively developed by revelation. Between the manifestation of one Buddho and the advent of his successor, two periods are represented to intervene ; -the first is called the buddhántaro or buddhótpádo, being the interval between the manifestation of one Buddho and the epoch when his religion becomes extinct. The age in which we now live is the buddhótpado of Gótamo. His religion was destined to endure 5000 years; of which 2380 have now passed away (A. D. 1837) since his death, and 2620 are yet to come. The second is the abuddhótpádo, or the term between the epochs when the religion revealed by one Buddho becomes extinct, and another Buddho appears, and revives, by revelation, the doctrines of the buddhistical faith. It would not be practicable, within the limits which I must here prescribe for myself, to enter into an elucidation of the preposterous term assigned to an abuddhótpádo; or to describe the changes which the creation is stated to undergo, during that term. Suffice it to say, that during that period, not only does the religion of each preceding Buddho become extinct, but the recollection and record of all preceding events are also lost. These subjects are explained in various portions of the Pitakattaya, but in too great detail to admit of my quoting those passages in this place.

By this fortunate fiction, a limitation has been prescribed to the mystification in which the buddhistical creed has involved all the historical data, contained in its literature, anterior to the advent of Gótamo. While in the hindu literature there appears to be no such limitation; in as much as professor Wilson in his analysis of the Puránas, from which (excepting the Rája Taringiní) the hindu historical data are chiefly obtained, proves that those works are, comparatively, of modern date.

The distinguishing characteristics, then, between the hindu and buddhistical historical data appear to consist in these particulars ;-that the mystification of hindu data is protracted to a period so modern that no part of them is authentic, in reference to chronology; and that there fabulous character is exposed by every gleam of light thrown on Asiatic history by the histories of other countries, and more especially by the writers who flourished, respectively, at the periods of, and shortly after, the Macedonian and Mahomedan conquests. While the mystification of the buddhistical data ceased a century at least prior to B. c. 588, when prince Siddhato attained buddhohood, in the character of Gótamo Buddho.

According to the buddhistical creed, therefore, all remote historical data, whether sacred or profane, anterior to Gótamo's advent, are based on his revelation. They are involved in absurdity as unbounded, as the mystification in which hindu literature is enveloped.

For nearly five centuries subsequent to the advent of Gótamo, the age of inspiration and miracle is believed to have endured among the professors of his faith. His last inspired disciple, in Ceylon at least, was Malayadéwo théro, the kinsman of Watagamini, who reigned from B. c. 104 to B. c. 76. It would be inconsistent with the scheme of such a creed, and unreasonable also on our part, to expect that the buddhistical data, comprised in those four and half centuries, should be devoid of glaring absurdities and gross superstitions. These defects, however, in no degree prejudice those data, in as far as they subserve the chronological, biographical, and geographical, ends of history.

Gótamo Buddho, by whom, according to the creed of the buddhists, the whole scheme of their historical data, anterior to his advent, was thus revealed, entered upon his divine mission in B. c. 588, in the fifteenth year of the reign of Bimbisáro, sovereign of Magadha (who became a convert to buddhism); and died in B. c. 543, in the eighth year of the reign of Ajátasatto, the son of the preceding monarch. These revelations are stated to have been orally pronounced in Páli, and orally perpetuated for upwards of four centuries, until the close of the buddhistical age of inspiration. They compose the "Pitakattaya," or the three Pitakas, which now form (if I may so express myself) the buddhistical scriptures, divided into the Winéyo, Abhidhammo, and Sutto pitako.

At the demise of Gótamo, Mahákassapo was the hierarch of the buddhistical church, in which a schism arose, even before the funeral obsequies of Buddho had terminated. For the suppression of this schism, and for asserting the authenticity of the Pitakattaya, the first "Dhammasangítí," or convocation on religion, was held at Rájagaha, the capital of Ajátasatto, in B. c. 543. The schism was suppressed, and the authenticity of the Pitakattaya in Páli was vindicated and established. Upon that occasion, dissertations, or commentaries, called "Atthakatha" on the Pitakattaya, were also delivered.

In B. c. 443, at the lapse of a century from Gótamo's death, the second Dhammasangítí was held, in the tenth year of the reign of Kálásóko, at Wésáli, for the suppression of a heresy raised by certain priests natives of Wajji, resident in that city. The hierarch was the venerable Sabbakámi; and under his direction, Réwato conducted the convocation. The authority of the Pitakattaya was again vindicated; and the Atthakatha, delivered on that occasion, serve to develope the history of buddhism for the interval which had elapsed since the last convocation.

In B. c. 309, in the eighteenth year of the reign of Dhammásóko, the supreme sovereign of India, who was then a convert to buddhism, the third convocation was held at Pátilipura; Moggaliputtatisso being then the hierarch.

In the ensuing analysis of the Mahawanso, will be found references to the portions of the Pitakattaya and Atthakatha, in which detailed accounts of these convocations may be found.

In B. c. 307, the théro Mahindo, the son of the emperor Dhammásóko, embarked on his mission for the conversion of Ceylon. The reigning sovereign of this island, Déwánanpiyatisso, was converted to buddhism, and several members of his family were ordained priests. Many wiháros were founded by this monarch in this island, of which the Maháwiháro at Anuradhapura, was the principal. His minister Díghasandano built the pariwéno, or college, called after himself, Díghasanda-sénápoti-pariwéno, which, as well as the royal incumbencies, were bestowed on Mahindo.

Under the control of that high priest of Ceylon, fraternities were formed for all these religious establishments. The successions to which, regulated by certain laws of sacerdotal inheritance, still prevalent in the island, were uninterruptedly kept up, as will be seen by the ensuing pages.

The Pitakattaya, as well as Atthakatha propounded up to the period of the third convocation in India, were brought to Ceylon by Mahindo, who promulgated them, orally, here;-the Pitakattaya in Páli, and the Atthakatha in Singhalese, together with additional Atthakathá of his own. His inspired disciples, and his successors, continued to propound them, also orally, till the age of inspiration passed away; which took place in this island (as already stated) in the reign of Wattagámini, between B. c. 104 and B. C. 76. They were then embodied into books; the text in the Páli, and the commentaries in the Singhalese language. The event is thus recorded in the thirty third chapter of the Mahawanso p. 207.

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