The term trishu (denotes) the three genders; and dvayoh the male and female. (Where a certain) gender is expressly negatived, the remaining ones (are meant); and, where words ending in tu (occur, or) atha, &c., they do not refer to the preceding (words).' As already intimated the work is divided into three parts; the first treats on celestial, the second on terrestrial, and the third on miscellaneous, objects. Each part is sub-divided into several sections; but the whole book may be regarded as a Dictionary of Synonymes, except the 3rd and 4th sections of part third, the former alone being devoted to homonymous terms, and the latter to indeclinable particles. The entire work contains 1212 gáthás of, chiefly, 32 syllables, though occasionally we meet with longer metres. Some MSS. which my Pandit has examined, contained two or three stanzas which are omitted in the printed editions.* In addition to the Translation and the Text of the Abhidhánapadípiká, published by Clough, a second edition of the same was printed in 1865, by a Buddhist priest named Subhúti. Both these editions, as well as the original, are deficient, for want of an Alphabetical Index, a deficiency which the late Rev. D. J. Gogerly endeavoured to supply; but his Dictionary has not -a * After the above description it is unnecessary to state the space which this work occupies in Ola MSS., as they vary, according to the size of the leaves on which they are written. А сору in my possession, with four stanzas to the page, contains 152 leaves. been published. It is however now being revised by the Rev. J. Coles of the Church Missionary Society, and will, it is hoped, be published in the early part of next year. ATTANAGALUVANSA. Amongst the many historical works extant in Ceylon, is the Pali work above indicated, written in very ancient times upon the authority of 'old historians and ancient legends.' According to the established usage of all eastern nations, it opens with an adoration, which is the usual Buddhistical one, and proceeds to an invocation, between which and that in the Sahitya Darpana there seems to be much agreement. Although this book is entitled the Attanagaluviháravansa, 'the history of the Temple of Attanagalla'; yet, as a prelude to that which is the chief subject matter of the work, the writer devotes several chapters to depict the history of Srí Sanghabodhi, whose decapitation at the place abovementioned led to the erection of a Temple which still exists; and who was the only one from amongst the Sovereigns of Ceylon to whom the historian has devoted an entirely separate work. He was one of three Princes, connected with each other, of the Lambakanna (Lamini, Sinh.) race, who had their domains at Mahiyangana in Bintenna, a place still known by that name. Sanghabodhi's father Sela-Abhaya is alone mentioned here, but in a rockinscription at Mihintala,* his parents are both named— the father as Abaya-Sela (the same names inverted), and the mother as Devugon. In the Attanagaluvansa Selabhaya is simply called a 'Khattiya' (prince); but he was, probably a provincial chieftain or sub-king. For, both the inscription abovementioned and the Sinhalese version of the Attanagaluvansa, designate him 'monarch.' It would seem from the history under notice, and from the particulars given in the Mahavansa that Sanghabodhi and his associates Sanghatissa and Gothábhaya, repaired to Anuradhapura, and soon became established in high favor at the Court of the reigning prince (Wijaya Indu A. D. 241,) obtaining from him the highest offices of the state, and enjoying his unlimited confidence. They were not, however, long in subjection to Wijaya Indu; for scarcely a year expired from the time they had entered into his service, when Sanghatissa, procuring Gothábhaya to assassinate his benefactor, ascended the throne. Sanghabodhi, it would appear from the Attanagaluvansa, (vide cap. iii. § 6), was no party to this foul deed; and the general character given of him in the Dipavansa, as a good and pious prince,'t goes to support that statement. Yet such a belief is inconsistent with the version of the transaction in the Mahavansa, * For the original see Sidatsangará, p. xxxvi. which, in the language of Mr. Turnour's translation, p. 229, runs as follows: 'These three persons, on their reaching the capital, were most graciously received by the monarch Wijaya in whose court they were established, and employed in offices of state. Conspiring together, they put to death the rája Wijayo in his own palace; and two of them raised (the third) Sanghatisso, who was at the head of the army, to the throne.' Sanghatissa reigned only four years, at the termination of which he was poisoned by the people, who could no longer bear the oppression of the exactions made during his royal excursions to the Eastern Provinces, Upon the death of Sanghatissa, Gothábhaya, who was destined (according to the prediction of a blind sage) to reign longer than his two associates, requested Sanghabodhi to assume the reigns of Government. But he declined this high honor; and his denunciation of principalities, dominions, and powers, as recorded by the historian in a beautiful speech, is couched in oriental imagery, and exhibits a thorough knowledge of man and his depraved nature, a fact however, not borne out by his subsequent conduct. Sanghabodhi was soon prevailed upon by the priesthood to accept the pressing invitation of the people. The historian here dwells on the principles of good Government, as having been enunciated by the prince's preceptor, Nanda, to whose previous discourse on the duties of Man, and the necessity for the early formation of right principles, nearly an entire chapter is devoted. The policy however of Sanghabodhi's government was characterized by great weakness. After he was crowned, he continued to evince, as he had done before, greater devotion to the interests of religion than to the affairs of the state. This from 'A man on earth devoted to the skies,' was scarcely unexpected. Hemixed not with the world, and could not therefore distinguish the local from the natural man. He was too much absorbed in religious affairs, to enable him "to track the silent march of human affairs, and to seize with happy intuition on those great laws which regulate the prosperity of empires." His meditations did not permit him to reconcile principles to circumstances, or to devise measures in anticipation of the effects which state-affairs had upon "the entangled relations and awkward complexity of real life." Buddhism, moreover, manifested an antagonism to good Government. The principles of the former conflicted with those of the latter. The exercise of those duties which a state policy demanded, threatened the destruction of all religious merit. The enthusiasm and rigid piety of so great an adherent of Buddha as Sanghabodhi, permitted not a departure from the duties prescribed by his religion,—even where the majesty of the law demanded the infliction of punishment. And the consequence was, as may be easily expected, that, having forgotten the highest virtue of a king, (which) is the protection of his subjects,** the old 6 * Manu, vii. § 144. |