scriptures, and by observance of the procepts therein laid down. 3rd thus gone, that is, gone as it (birth) came; the pyrrhonic interpretation of those who hold that doubt is the end, as well as beginning, of wisdom; and that that which causes birth, causes likewise the ultimate cessation of them, whether that final close' be conscious immortality or virtual nothingness. Thus the epithet tathágata, so far from meaning 'come' (avenu), and implying incarnation, as Remusat supposed, signifies the direct contrary, or gone for ever,' and expressly announces the impossibility of incarnation: and this according to all the schools, sceptical, theistic, and atheistic. I shall not, I suppose, be again asked for the incarnations of the tathagatas.* Nor, I fancy, will any philosophical peruser of the above etymology of this important word have much hesitation in refusing, on this ground alone, any portion of his serious attention to the infinité' of of the buddhist avata'rs, such as they really are. To my mind they belong to the very same category of mythological shadows with the infinity of distinct Buddhas, which latter, when I first disclosed it as a fact in relation to the belief of these sectaries, led me to warn my readers "to keep a steady eye upon the authoritative assertion of the old scriptures, that Sa'kya is the 7th and last of the Buddhas. † P. S. Whether Remusat's avenu‡ be understood loosely, as meaning come,' or strictly as signifying come to pass,' it will be equally inadmissible as the interpretation of the word tatha'gata; because tatha'gata is designed expressly to announce that all reiteration and contingency whatever is barred with respect of the beings so designated. They cannot come; nor can any thing come to pass affecting them. *To the question, " What is the tathaʼgata?" the most holy of buddhist scriptures returneth for answer, "It does not come again." + Asiatic Researches, vol. xvi. p. 445. Avenu, signifies quod evenit, contigit, that which hath happened.-(Dictionnaire de Trevoux.) Tatha'gata'-tatha' thus (what really is), gata' (known, obtained).-Wilson's Sans. Dict. Ed. Without the remotest intention of questioning the correctness of Mr. Hodgson's inferences, as drawn from the authorities accessible to him, I may safely assert that the late Mons. Able Remusat's definition of that term by rendering it "avenu" is also perfectly correct according to the Páli scriptures. The following quotations will suffice, according to those authorities, to shew both the derivation of that word, and that Sakya so designated himself, while living, and actively engaged in the promulgation of his creed, in the character of Buddho. Taken from the Sumangala-wilaʼsini Atthakatha', on the Brahmaja'la Suttan, which is the first discourse in the Díghanika'yo of the Sutto-pittako. “Of the word Tathagato. I (proceed to) give the meaning of the appellation Tathagato which was adopted by Buddho himself. Bhagawa' is Tathagato from eight circumstances. Tathá ágato, he who had come in the same manner (as the other Buddhos) is Tathagato. Tatha gato, he who had gone in like manner, is Tathagato. Tathálakkhanan ágató, he who appeared in the same (glorious) form, is Tathagato. Tathá dhammé yatháwato, abhísumbuddho, he who had, in like manner, acquired a perfect knowledge of, and revealed, the dhammos, is Tathagato. Tathá dassitάya, as he, in like manner, saw, or was inspired, he is Tathagato. Tathá wáditáya, as he was similarly gifted in language, he is Tathágato. Tathá káritáya, as he was similarly gifted in works, he is Tathágato. Abhíbhawanatténa, from his having converted (the universe to the recognition of his religion) he is Tathagato." The following are extracts from different sections of the Pitakattaya, showing that Gótamo Buddho designated himself Tathagato in his discourses. Buddho invariably speaks in the third person in the Pitakattaya. In the Lakkhanasuttan in the Dighanika'yo. "Bhikkhus! this Tathagato, in a former existence, in a former habitation, in a former world, in the character of a human being, having abjured the destruction of animal life, &c." In the Dakkhinawibhangasuttan in the Majjhimanika'yo. "Anando! the offerings made in common to the assembled priesthood are seven. The offering that is made in the presence of Buddho to both classes (priests and priestesses) is the first of (all) offerings made in common. After Tathagato has attained parinibbuti, (similar) offerings will continue to be made to both classes of the priesthood. In the Dhammachakkappawattanasuttan in the Sanyuttakanika'yo (Buddho's first discourse, delivered on his entrance into Benares, as noticed in the first chapter of the Maha'wanso). "Bhikkhus! without adopting either of these extremes, by Tathagato, an intermediate course has been discovered, &c." In the Werangasuttan in the Anguttaranikayo. "Brahman! the repose of Tathagato, in another (mortal) womb, his reappearance by any other birth in this world, is at an end :—like the tree uptorn by the root, like the palmyra lopt (of its head), the principle of (or liability to) regeneration is overcome; the state of exemption from future reproduction has been achieved." Under these circumstances, it cannot be possible to deprecate too earnestly a perseverence in the fruitless attempt to reconcile the conflicting doctrines of two antagonist sects, professing the same faith. It is to Mr. Hodgson that the literary world is indebted for having obtained access to the Sanscrit and Tibetan works on buddhism. Much remains to be done in analyzing the Sanscrit version; defining the age in which they were compiled; ascertaining the extent of their accordance with the Páli version; and deducing from thence a correct knowledge, as to whether the differences now apparent, between the buddhistical systems of the northern and southern portions of Asia, are discernible as exhibited in those ancient texts, or are the results of subsequent sectarian divisions in the buddhistical church. In these introductory remarks, I have shewn that "Páli " is synonymous with Mágadhi, the language of the land in which buddhism, as promulgated by Sákya or Gótamo, had its origin; and that it was at that period no inferior provincial dialect, but a highly refined and classical language. I have fixed the dates at which the buddhistical scriptures, composed in that language, were revised at three solemn convocations held under regal authority; traced their passage to Ceylon, and defined the age in which the commentaries on those scriptures (which also are considered inspired writings) were translated into Páli in this island. Although there can be no doubt as to the belief entertained by buddhists here, that these scriptures were perpetuated orally for 453 years, before they were reduced to writing, being founded on superstitious imposture, originating perhaps in the priesthood denying to all but their own order access to their scriptures; yet there is no reasonable ground for questioning the authenticity of the history thus obtained, of the origin, recognition and revisions of these Páli scriptures As far as an opinion may be formed from professor Wilson's analysis of M. Csoma de Koros' summary of the contents of the Tibetan version (which is pronounced to be a translation from the Sanscrit made chiefly in the ninth century), that voluminous collection of manuscripts contains several, distinct editions of the buddhistical scriptures, as they are embodied in the Páli version; enlarged in various degrees, probably, by the intermixture into the text of commentaries, some of which appear to be of comparatively modern date. The least tardy means, perhaps, of effecting a comparison of the Pali with the Sanscrit version, will be to submit to the Asiatic Society in Calcutta (by whom the Sanscrit works could be consulted in the original) a series of summaries of the Páli scriptures, sufficiently detailed to afford a tolerably distinct perception of the contents of the text; and embodying at the same time in it, from the commentaries, whatever may be found in them either illustrative of the text, or conducive of information in the department of general history. It only remains for me now to explain the disadvantages, or advantages, under which I have undertaken the translation of the Mahawanso, in order that no deficiency on my part may prejudice an historical work of, apparently, unquestionable authenticity, and, compared with other Asiatic histories, of no ordinary merit. I wish to be distinctly understood, that in turning my mind to the study of Páli, I did not enter upon the undertaking, with the view of either attaining a critical knowledge of the language, or prosecuting a purely philological research. A predilection formed, at my first entrance into the civil service, to be employed in the newly acquired Kandyan provinces, which had been ceded on a convention which guaranteed their ancient laws, led me to study the Singhalese tongue. The works I Q was referred to, for the information I sought, though they contained much that was valuable, as regarded both the institutions and the history of the land, all professed to derive their authority from Páli sources. In further pursuit of the objects I had in view, I undertook the study of Páli, aided by the translation of the grammar before noticed. The want, however, of dictionaries, to assist in defining the meaning of words and terms in a language so copious and refined as the Páli is, was a great drawback; and the absence of Páli instructors in the island, who possessed an adequate knowledge of English, to supply the place of dictionaries, left me dependent on my knowledge of Singhalese, in rendering their vernacular explanations into English. I may, therefore, have formed erroneous conceptions of the meaning of some of the Páli roots and compound terms. On the other hand, I have possessed the advantage, from my official position, of almost daily intercourse with the heads of the buddhistical church, of access to their libraries, and of their assistance both in the selection of the works I consulted, and in the explanation of the passages which required elucidation. This translation, however, has been hastily made, at intervals of leisure, snatched from official occupations; and each chapter was hurried to the press as it was completed. It has not, therefore had the benefit of a general revision, to admit of a uniformity of terms and expressions being preserved throughout the work; nor have I for the same reason been able to append notes to the translation; the absence of which has rendered a glossary necessary, which also is very imperfectly executed. The correction of the press also (with which I had to communicate by the post at a distance of nearly eighty miles) has been conducted under similar disadvantages. For the errata that have resulted from these causes, as well as from my total want of practice in conducting a publication through the press, it is scarcely possible for me to offer a sufficient apology; the more especially as nothing could exceed the readiness of the attention shown to my wishes and instructions by the establishment at which this volume was printed. The task of translating this historical work, as I have already shown, was tardily, and I may add, reluctantly, undertaken by me. solely influenced by the desire of rescuing the native literature from unmerited, though unintentional, disparagement. With perfect sincerity can I add, that could I have foreseen that the publication would have occupied so much of my time, or would ultimately have appeared disfigured so extensively with errata, I should certainly not have embarked in it. Nor have I, in its progress, been free from misgivings, as to my having, in my unassisted judgment, over-estimated the value and authenticity of the materials I was engaged in illustrating. To satisfy myself on these points, before this volume issued from the press, I circulated the Pamphlet before mentioned. However conscious I may be of my individual merits being overrated, in the decision pronounced on that Pamphlet, by the Asiatic Society (as recorded in their Journal of December last) I ought not to entertain any now as to those of the Mahawanso, considering that it is founded on the report of the Rev. Dr. Mill, the learned Principal of Bishop's College. I have also recently seen, for the first time, through the kindness of Mr. Prinsep, the Secretary of the Asiatic Society, the numbers of the Journal des savans, which contain the criticisms of Mons. Burnouf, on the translation of the Mahawanso on which I have commented in this Introduction. Had that profound orientalist possessed the advantage of being able to consult the Tíká to the Mahawanso, his practised judgment as a critic, and his extensive acquaintance with the literature of the east, would have efficiently accomplished what my humble endeavours can scarcely hope to effect, in directing the attention of our fellow laborers in India, to the investigation of the buddhistiçal annals still extant in it. In fulfilment of the conditional promise made in my Pamphlet, I shall now proceed with the translation of the second volume of the Maháwanso. Although deprived of the aid of a Tíká (which I have already explained extends only to the reign of Mahaséno) the narrative contained in the ensuing chapters of the Mahawanso, is not deficient in interest. A new series of links is formed with the southern kingdoms of continental India, the first of which arises out of the barbarously tragical incidents detailed in the concluding chapters of this volume; while the lapse of the age of pretended inspiration and miracles necessarily gives to the history a less fabulous character. The second volume will contain also, as will be seen by the statement of the contents of the Mahawanso given in the appendix, twice as much of the text of the original work, as the present volume embodies, but I apprehend that I shall neither possess the materials, nor will there be the same necessity for affording any lengthened introductory illustration. The map, and the plan of Anuradhapura, which was promised with this volume is withheld, as it cannot be completely filled up, till the second volume is translated; when separate copies will be furnished to those who possess the first volume. I regret to be obliged to add that as far as this volume is concerned, I have only been able to identify, and fix the positions of a few of the places mentioned, and those of the principal ones. In printing the text together with the translation, every Pali or Sanscrit scholar is enabled to rectify any mistranslation into which I may have fallen. I have made no alteration in the text beyond separating the words, as far as the confluent character of the language would admit; punctuating the sentences; and introducing capital letters. In the translation no additions have been admitted but what are enclosed in parentheses; and those additions (as will be suggested by the passages themselves) are either derived from the Tíká, or were considered necessary for the due explanation of their meaning, in rendering those sentences into English. A synopsis of the Roman alphabet, adopted as the substitute for the Páli in the Singhalese character, as well as a Glossary are appended to this volume. A REVISED CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE SOVEREIGNS OF CEYLON, AS PUBLISHED IN THE CEYLON ALMANAC OF 1834. The dates at which the following events occurred being specified in the Native Histories, they have been used for the purpose of correcting the anachronism unavoidable in historical narratives which give only the number of years in each reign, without stating in every instance the fractional parts of a year. or the date at which, each reign commenced. The arrival of the mission sent by Dharmasoka, emperor of Dambadiva, to establish Buddhism in Ceylon, in the first year of Dewenipeatissa's reign. The deposition of Walagambáhu in the 5th month of his reign, and the conquest of Ceylon by the 10 Malabars. This is the date at which, according to the MAHAWANSE, Walagambáhu, on his restoration, founded Abhayagiri, being in the 217th year, 10th month and 10th day after buddhism was orally promulgated by the mission sent by Dharmasoka. But, according to Singhalese authority, it is the date at which the 10 doctrines of Buddhism were first reduced to writing in Ceylon, while Walagambáhu was still a disguised fugitive. In the former case, there would be an anachronism of at least 2 years at the restoration of this sovereign, which, however, in this uncertainty, as to the event to which the date is applicable, I have not attempted to rectify. The date of the origin of the Wytuliya heresy, which occurred in the first year of the reign of 10 Waiwahara Tissa. The anachronism up to this period is consequently 6 years; and the error is adjusted accordingly. The date of a revival of the Wytuliya heresy in the 4th year of the reign of Golu Abhá. At the {accession of this sovereign, so recently after the foregoing adjustment, there is no anachronism. The date of another revival of the Wytuliya heresy, in the 12th year of the reign of Ambahaira Sala Maiwan-anachronism 1 year, 6 months-adjusted. The date of the origin of the Wijrawádiya heresy, in the reign of Mitwella Sen, but the year of the reign is not given. Supposing it to have originated even in the year of his accession, the anachronism would amount to 4 years-adjusted to that extent. The accession of Prákramabahu 1st.; error 6 years adjusted. The accession of Sahasa Mallawa, which is corroborated by the inscription on the Dambulla rock. 1347 1890 0 The accession of Bhuwaneka Báhu 4th-As the term of the reign of the three immediately preceeding sovereigns is not given, the extent of the anachronism at this date cannot be ascertained. In the remaining portion of the history of Ceylon, there is no want of dates for the adjustment of its chronology, which, however, it would be superfluous to notice here. |