the subject. At Jessulmer are the original books of Bhanda (Buddha), the sybilline volumes which none dare even handle. Until all these have been examined, let us declare our ignorance of hindu literature, for we have only gleaned in the field contaminated by conquest, and where no genuine record could be hoped for."

Here, then, is a new, inciting, and extensive field of research, readily accessible to the oriental scholar. The close affinity of Páli to Sanscrit, together with the aid afforded by Mr. Clough's translated Páli Grammar, in defining the points in which they differ, will enable any Sanscrit scholar to enter upon that interesting investigation with confidence; and the object I have principally in view will have been realized, if I shall have in any degree stimulated that research.

It scarcely falls within the scope of this introduction to enter into any detailed examination of the Mahawanso, as regards the continuous history of Ceylon, nor have I been able, from the disadvantages under which I have conducted this publication, to append notes to the translated narrative. Suffice it to say, that from the date of the introduction of buddhism into Ceylon, in B. c. 307, that history is authenticated by the concurrence of every evidence, which can contribute to verify the annals of any country; as, was shown in the "Epitome," alluded to above, imperfectly and hastily as it was been compiled; and will further appear in the second volume of this translation.

In regard to the 236 years which elapsed, from the death of Gótamo to the introduction of buddhism in Ceylon, in B. c. 307; there is a ground for suspecting that sectarian zeal, or the impostures of superstition, have led to the assignment of the same date for the landing of Wijayo, with the cardinal buddhistical event, the death of Gótamo. If historical annals did exist (of which there is ample internal evidence) in Ceylon, anterior to Mahindo's arrival, buddhist historians have adapted those data to their falsified chronology. The otherwise apparent consistency of the narrative contained in that portion of the history of Ceylon, together with the established facts of the towns and edifices, therein described, having been in existence at the period of Mahindo's landing, justify the inference, that the monarchs named, and the events described, are not purely buddhistical fictions. My reluctance, moreover, to admit the particular date assigned to the landing of Wijayo, does not proceed solely from its suspicious coincidence with the date of Gótamo's death. The aggregate period comprised in those 236 years, it will be observed, has been for the most part apportioned, on a scale of decimation, among the six rájas who preceded Déwánanpiyatisso, which distribution is not in itself calculated to conciliate confidence; and in the instance of the fifth rája, Pandukabhayo, it is stated that he married at 20 years of age, succeeded in dethroning his uncle when he was 37 years, and reigned for 70 years. He is therefore 107 years old when he dies, having been married 87 years; and yet the issue of that marriage, Mutasíwo, succeeds him and reigns 60 years! One of the Singhalese histories does, indeed, attempt to make it appear that Mutasíwo was the grandson; but I now find that that assertion is founded purely on an assumption, made possibly with the view of correcting the very imperfection now noticed. It is manifest, therefore, that there is some inaccuracy here, which calls for a curtailment of the period intervening between the landing of Wijayo and the introduction of buddhism; and it is not unworthy of remark, that a curtailment of similar extent was shown to be requisite in the Indian portion of this history, of that particular period, to render the reigns of Chandragupta and Seleucus Nicator contemporanious. This principle of decimating has also been applied in filling up the aggregate term comprised in the reigns of the four brothers of Déwánanpiyatisso, who successively ascended the throne after him. But subsequently to Dutthagámini, in B. c. 164, there does not appear to be the slightest ground for questioning the correctness of the chronology of the Ceylonese history, even in these minute respects.

Whether these unimportant falsifications have, or have not, been intentionally had recourse to, they in no degree affect the reputation of Mahanámo, as an historian; for the following very curious passage in Buddhaghóso's Atthakatha on the Winéyo, which was composed only fifty years before Mahánámo compiled his history, shows that great pains had been taken, even at that period, to make it appear that the chronology of these three centuries of buddhistical history, which preceded Asóko's conversion, was correct, as exhibited in those Atthakatha.

In the eighteenth year of the reign of Ajàtasattu, the supreme Buddho attained parinibbánan. In that very year, prince Wijayo, the son of prince Sího, and the first monarch of Tambapanni, repairing to this island, rendered it habitable for human beings. In the fourteenth year of the reign of Udayabhado, in Jambudípo, Wijayo died here. In the fifteenth year of the reign of Udayabhado, Pánduwásadéwo came to the throne in this island. In the twentieth year of the reign of Nágadáso there, Pánduwásadéwo died here. In the same year Abhayo succeeded to the kingdom. In the seventeenth year of the reign of Susunágo there, twenty years of the reign of Abhayo had been completed; and then, in the said twentieth year of Abhayo, the traitor Pandukábhayo usurped the kingdom. In the sixteenth year of the reign of Kálásoko there, the seventeenth year of Pandukabhayo's reign had elapsed here. The foregoing (years) together with this one year, will make the eighteenth (of his reign). In the fourteenth year of the reign of Chadagutto, Panduk ábhayo died here; and Mutasíwo succeeded to the kingdom. In the seventeenth year of the reign Dhammásoko rája, Mutasiwo rája died, and Déwananpiyatisso raja succeeded to the kingdom.

From the parinibbánan of the supreme Buddho, Ajátasattu reigned twenty four years. Udayabhado, sixteen. Anuruddho and Mundho, eighteen. Nágadásako twenty four. Susunágo eighteen years. His son Kála'soko twenty eight years. The ten sons of Ka'la'soko reigned twenty two years. Subsequently to them, Nawanando reigned twenty two years. Chandagutto twenty four years. Bindusa'ro, twenty eight years. At his demise Asóko succeeded, and in the eighteenth year after his inauguration, Mahindo théro arrived in this island. This royal narration is to be thus understood.

The synchronisms attempted to be established in this extract, between the chronology of India and o Ceylon, are it will be observed, most successfully made out. The discrepancies as to the year of Ajátasattu's reign, in which Gótamo Buddho died; as to the comparison between Kálásoko and Panduk ábhayó, and as to the duration of the joint rule of Anuruddho and Mundho, as well as that of Chandagutto, all manifestly proceed from clerical errors of the transcribers; as will be seen by the following juxtapositions :

After the most minute examination of the portion of Mahawanso compiled by Mahanámo, I am fully prepared to certify, that I have not met with any other passage in the work, (unconnected with religion and its superstitions), than those already noticed, which could by the most sceptical be considered as prejudicial to its historical authenticity. In several instances he adverts prospectively to events which took place posterior to the date at which his narrative had arrived, but in every one of these cases, it is found that the anticipated incidents are invariably anterior to his own time.

* This anachronism has been already explained.

The Tíka also to the Mahawanso is equally faultless in these respects, save in one single, but very remarkable, instance. In enumerating, at the opening of the 5th chapter, the "schisms" which had prevailed in the buddhistical church, the Mahawanso states, that six had arisen in India, and two in Ceylon. The Tíká, however, in commenting on this point, mentions three schisms in Ceylon, and specifies the dates when each occurred. I quote this passage, as it will serve to illustrate, what I have already suggested, as to the mode of computing the dates of a consecutive series of chronological events in buddhistical works.

Of these (schisms) the fraternity of Abhayagiri, at the expiration of 217 years after the establishment of religion in Lanká, in the reign of king Wattagámini, by separating the Pariwánan section of Bhagawa from the Winéyo, which had been propounded for the regulation of sacerdotal discipline; by both altering its meaning and misquoting its contents; by pretending also that they were conscientious seceders, according to the "therawáda" rules; and assuming the name of the Dhammaruchika seceders, established themselves at the Abhayagiriwiháro, which was constructed by Wattagámini.

At the expiration of 341 years from that event, the fraternity (subsequently established) at the Jétawanno, even before the said Jétawanno wiháro was founded, severing themselves from the Dhammaruchika schismatics, and repairing to the Dhakkhina wiháro, they also by separating the two Wibhangos of Bhagawá from the Winéyo, which had been propounded for the regulation of sacerdotal discipline; by both altering their meaning and misquoting their contents, and assuming the appellation of the Ságalika schismatics; and becoming very powerful at the Jétawanno wiháro built by raja Maháséno, established themselves there.

Hence the expression in the Maháwanso, “the Dhammaruchiya and Ságaliya secessions in Lanká."

At the expiration of 350 years from that event, in the reign of the rája Dáthápatisso (also called Aggrabhódi) the maternal nephew (of the preceding monarch) a certain priest named Dátháwédhako resident at the Kurundachatta pariwéno at the Jétawnno wiháro, and another priest also named Dátháwédhako, resident at the Kolombálako pariwéno of the same wiháro;—these two individuals, influenced by wicked thoughts, lauding themselves, vilifying others, extolling their heresies in their own nikayas, dispelling the fear which ought to be entertained in regard to a future world, and discouraging the resort for the purpose of listening to dhamma; and representing also that the separation of the two Wibhangos in the Dhammaruchika schism, and the Pariwa'ran section in the Sa'galika schism, proceeded, severally, from the misconduct of the Maha'wiha'ro fraternity; and propagating this unfounded statement, together with other deceptions usual among schismatics; and recording their own version in a form to give it the appearance of antiquity, they imposed (upon the inhabitants).

In this case, also, for the conjectural solution of the difficulty in question, I am reduced to a selection between two alternatives. Either Mahanámo was not the author of the Tíká, or the last sentence has been subsequently added by another hand.

When I consider the general tenor of this commentary, more particularly in its introductory portions. as well as the passage in this particular extract, intervening between the notices of the second and third schisms, "Hence the expression in the Maháwanso, the Dhammaruchiya and ágaliya secessions in Lanká;" which is in fact an admission that the comment on the third schism had no reference to the Mahawanso; and the total absence of all precedent of a buddhist author attributing his work to another individual, I cannot hesitate to adopt the latter alternative. But the interpolation (if interpolation it be) is of old date, as it is found in Nadoris Modliar's Burmese edition also.

P

I shall now close my remarks on the portion of the Mahawanso composed by Mahanámo, with three quotations; the first his own concluding sentence in the Tíká, which affords an additional, if not conclusive, argument to justify my judgment in pronouncing him to be the author of that commentary; the other two from the 38th chapter of the Mahawanso, which will serve to shew, in connection with the extract above mentioned, that " Mahanámo resident at the pariwéno founded by the ministerDighasandano," was Dhátuséno's maternal uncle, by whom that raja was brought up under the disguise of a priest; and that the completion and public rehearsal of his work took place towards the close of that monarch's reign.

Extract from the Tíká.

Upon these data, by me, the thero, who had, with due solemnity, been invested with the dignified title of Mahánamo, resident at the pariwéno founded by the minister Díghasandano*; endowed with the capacity requisite to record the narrative comprised in the Mahawanso;-in due order, rejecting only the dialect in which the Singhalese Atthakatha' are written, but retaining their import and following their arrangement, this history, entitled the "Palapadóruwanso," is compiled.

As even in the times, when the despotism of the ruler of the land, and the horrors arising from the inclemencies of the seasons, and when panics of epidemics and other visitations prevailed, this work escaped all injury; and moreover as it serves to perpetuate the fame of the Buddhos, their disciples and of the Paché Buddhos of old, it is also worthy of bearing the title of "Wansutthappaka'siní."

Extracts from the Mahawanso-Chapter 38.

Certain members of the Móriyan dynasty, dreading the power of the (usurper) Subho, the balatho, had settled in various parts of the country, concealing themselves. Among them, there was a certain landed proprietor named Dha'tuséno, who had established himself at Nandiwa'pi. His son named Dha'ta', who lived at the village Ambiliya'go, had two sons, Dha'tuséno and Sílatissabodhi, of unexceptionable descent; their mother's brother, devoted to the cause of religion, continued to reside (at Anuradhapura) in his sacerdotal character, at the edifice built by the minister Dighasandano. The youth Dha'tuséno became a priest in his fraternity, and on a certain day while he was chaunting at the foot of a tree, a shower of rain fell," &c. Causing an image of Maha' Mahindo to be made, and conveying it to the edifice (the Ambamaʼlako) in which his body had been burnt, in order that he might celebrate a great fesival there; and that he might, also, promulgate the contents of the + Dipawanso, distributing a thousand pieces, he caused it to be read aloud thoroughly."

As a spcimen of the style in which a subsequent portion of the Mahawanso is composed by a different author, I have added the fifty ninth chapter also to the appendix. This particular chapter has been specially selected, that I might draw attention to another instance of the mutual corroboration afforded to each other, by professor Wilson's translations of the hindu historical plays and this historical work. It will be found in the Retnawali, and the professor's preface thereto, (which is reprinted in the appendix) that that play was written between A. D. 1113 and 1125, and that its principal Ceylonese historical characters are 66 Retnáwali" and "her father Wikkramabahu, king of Sinhala." Now, on referring to the appendix, in which the narrative portion of the Epitome, as regards these reigns, has been retained it will be seen that the only discrepancies apparent between the two works, are those variations which would reasonably be expected in productions of such opposite characters.

From the circumstances of the name of Wikkramabahu, § who was Retnawali's brother, being given to her father, whose name was Wijayabáhu, who reigned from A. D. 1071 to A. D. 1126; and of Vatsa's solicitation of Retnáwali proving unsuccessful according to the Mahawanso, instead of its being successful as it is represented in this play, it would appear to be allowable to infer (unsatisfactory

* Vide p. 102 for the construction of this pariwéno.
+ Another title of this work.

‡ Appendix A. D. 1071; A. B. 1614 p. 38.

§ Appendix A. D. 1127; A. B. 1670 p. 40.

as such inferences generally are) that this play was written while the embassy was pending, and in anticipation of a favorable result: all the details connected with the shipwreck of Retnáwali, and the return of the embassy to the court of the Kósambiam monarch, being purely the fictions of the poet. With the view of attempting to account for Vasavadata, Vatsa's queen, calling the monarch of Ceylon uncle," and Ratnawali "sister," I may suggest, that the term "mátulo,” in Páli, or its equivalent in Sanscrit, applies equally to " a maternal uncle' "“the husband of a paternal aunt," and to a "father in law ;" and that there is no term to express the relationship of " cousin." The daughter of a maternal aunt would be called "sister." I should hence venture to infer, that Wijayabáhu was Vasavadatta's uncle only by his marriage to her maternal aunt; in which case her mother, "the consort of the rája of Ujéni," would, as well as Tilókasundari, the wife of Wijayabáhu, be princesses of the Kálinga royal family. Colonel Tod's Annals notice the matrimonial alliances which had been formed, between the rájas of western India and Kálinga, about that period.

By the publication of this volume, unaccompanied by any allusion to Mr. Hodgson's labours, in illustrating the buddhistical system now prevalent in Nepal and countries adjacent to it, I might unintentionally render myself accessory to the protraction of an unavailing discussion, which has been pending for some time past, between that gentleman and other orientalists, who derive their information connected with buddhism entirely from Páli annals.

I trust that I shall not incur the imputation of presumption, when I assert that the two systems are essentially different from each other; their non-accordance in no degree proceeding, as it appears to be considered by each of the contending parts, from erroneous inferences drawn by his opponent.

Mr. Hodgson's sketch of Buddhism, prepared as it has been with the assistance of one of the most learned of the buddhists in Nepal, is presented in a form too complete and integral, to justify any doubt being entertained as to its containing a correct and authentic view of the doctrines now recognized by, a portion at least of, the inhabitants of the Himalayan regions.

According to that sketch the buddhistical creed recognises but one Swyambhu; designates the Buddhos to be "manusiya" and "dhyáni Buddhos;" the former inferior to the latter, and both subordinate or inferior to the Swyambhu; defines a " Tathagatá" to signify a being who has already attained "nibbuti," and past away; and, moreover, Mr. Hodgson advances, that in the early ages the sacerdotal order had no existence, as an institution contradistinguished from the lay ascetics.

"

This scheme is, unquestionably, entirely repugnant to that of the buddhism of Ceylon and the eastern peninsula; wherein every Buddho is a Swyambhu,--the self-created, self-existent, supreme and uncontroled author of the system, to reveal and establish which he attained buddhohood: “manushi” and "dhyani Buddhos are terms unknown in the Páli scriptures: the order and ordination of priests are institutions prominently set forth in Gótamo's ordinances, and rigidly enforced, even during his mission on earth, as will be seen even in the details of a work purely historical, as the Mahawanso is; and "Tathágatá” is by no means restricted to the definition of a person who has ceased to exist by the attainment of "nibbuti.”

Mr. Hodgson has been at some pains to explain the meaning of the word "Tathágatá,” as recognized in the countries to which his researches extended. Among other essays, in a contribution to the Bengal Asiatic Journal of August, 1834, he says:

The word "tatha'gata" is reduced to its elements, and explained in three ways: 1st thus gone; which means, gone in such a manner that he (the tatha'gata) will never appear again; births having been closed by the attainment of perfection. 2nd thus got or obtained; which is to say (cessation of births) obtained, degree by degree, in the manner described in the Buddha