"involved in the impenetrable darkness of mythology," was one of the eighty celebrated contemporary disciples of Gótamo Buddho, whose names are repeatedly mentioned in various portions of the Pitakattaya. He flourished therefore in the middle of the sixth century before the birth of Christ, and upwards of four hundred years before Bhatrihári, the brother of Vicramaditya, by whom, according to Mr. Colebrooke's essay, "the amended rules of grammar were formed into memorial verses;" as well as before Kálidas, on whose play professor Wilson comments."

The first quotation is from the conclusion of the Rúpasiddhi :

Wik hyatanandathirawhaya waragurúnań Tambapanṇiddhajánań sissó Dipańkarákkhyo Damilawasumatı dipaladthappakáso Báládichchadi wásaddwitayamadhiwusan, sásanań jótayi yó, sóyam Buddhappiyawho yati; imamujukań Rúpasiddhiń aḥási.

A certain disciple of A'nando, a preceptor who was * (a rallying point) unto eminent preceptors like unto a standard, in + Tambapanni, named Dipankaro, renowned in the Damila kingdom (of Chola) and the resident-superior of two fraternities, there, the B ládich há, (and the Chudámanikyo), caused the religion (of Buddho) to shine forth. He was the priest who obtained the appellation of Buddhappiyo (the delight of Buddho,) and compiled this perfect Rúpasiddhi. Buddhappiyo commences the Rúpasiddhi in these words :

Kachchiyanancháchariyań namitwá; nissáya Kachch dyanawan nanálin, bálappabólhatthamujuń karissań wyattan sukandań padrúpasiddhiń.

Reverentially bowing down to the Acha'rayo Kachchaʼano, and guided by the rules laid down by the said Kachcháyano, I compose the Rúpa-iddhi, in a perspicuous form, judiciously subdivided into sections, for the use of degenerated intellects (of the present age, which could not grasp the original).

In the commentary on the Rúpasiddhi, we find the following distinct and important particulars regarding Kachcháyano, purporting to be conveyed in his own words:

Kachchassa apachchan, Kachcháyanó. Kachchótikira, tasmin gotté pathamapuriso, Tappabhawantá tabbansik á sabbéwá Kachcháyaná játá. "Tabbańsi kecháyamiti Kachcháyano, Kócháyan Kachcháyanó náma ? Yó etadaggań, · Bhikkhawe! mama súwakánań bhikkhúnań sankhitténa bhásitassa witthárėṇa atthan wibbajantanan yadidań Mahakachcháyanóti itadaggé thapito Bhagawa mań chatuparisamajjhé nisinnó, Suriyarasmisamphussawikasamánamiwa padumań sassiríkań mukhań wiwaritwá, Brahmaghosań nichchhárentó. Gangáya wáluká khoyé ; udakań khiyé mahannawé; mahiyá mattiká khéyé ; lakkhéna mama buddhiyá, ádiná nána gajja̸nań gajjituń, samatthó makápanno, bhikkhawé; Sáriputtóti ádidá; tésu tésu sutt su attanáwa; Lókanáthań thapetwána yéchaṛṇe idhapáninó paṇndya Sáriputtassa kalań nágghanti solasanti ádiná; óchariy hi wánṇitaḥáné Sáriputtóchá; tadaṇnésucha pabhinnapatisambhidésu mahásáwakésu wijjamánėsupi; Chal kawattirájá wiyá rajjawahanusamatthań jetthaputtań parinayakatthane thapento, Tathagatawachanań wibhajantánań éta laggé thapisi. Hawlahan Tathagatassa pachchúpakárań karissámi. Dátabbamewaṭhánantarań Bhagawd adási, Bhagawato yathabhuchchakathanań saddahápessámi. Ewań suti náná désa bhásá Sakkatádi khalitawachana manákárań jetwá, Tathagaténa wuttaya sabháwa niruttiyd, sukhéna Buddhawachanań uggankissantiti :" attano balan dassento Niruttipiṭakań “atthó akkharasaṇn átóti” imassa wákkyassa yatká búthań saddalakkhanamakási. Só Mahákachcháyanatthéró idha Kachcháyanóti

wutto.

Kachcháyano signifies the son of Kachcho. The said Kachcho was the first individual (who assumed that name as a patronymic) in that family. All who are descended from that stock are, by birth, Kachcháyaná.

"(If I am asked) Who is this Kachcháyano? Whence his name Kachcháyano ?" (I answer), It is he who was selected for the important office (of compiling the first Páli grammar, by Buddho himself; who said on that occasion): 'Bhikkhus from amongst my sanctified disciples, who are capable of elucidating in detail, that which is expressed in the abstract, the most eminent is this Mahákachcháyano.'

* The parenthetical additions are made from a commentary.

+ Ceylon.

66

Bhagawa (Buddho) seated in the midst of the four classes of devotees, of which his congregation was composed, (viz. priests and priestesses, male and female lay ascetics ;)-opening his sacred mouth, like unto a flower expanding under the genial influence of Surio's rays, and pouring forth a stream of eloquence like unto that of Brahmo, said: 'My disciples ! the profoundly wise Sariputto is competent to spread abroad the tidings of the wisdom (contained in my religion) by his having proclaimed of me that,'-To define the bounds of his omniscience by a standa d of measure, let the grains of sand in the Ganges be counted; let the water in the great ocean be measured; let the particles of matter in the great earth be numbered; as well as by his various other discourses.'

"It has also been admitted that, excepting the saviour of the world, there are no others in existence whose wisdom is equal to one sixteenth part of the profundity of Sáriputto. By the Achirayos also the wisdom of Sáriputto has been celebrated. Moreover, while the other great disciples also, who had overcome the dominion of sin and attained the four gifts of sanctification, were yet living; he (Buddho) allotted, from among those who were capable of illustrating the word of Tathagato, this important task to me,-in the same manner that a Chakkawatti rája confers on an eldest son, who is capable of sustaining the weight of empire, the office of Parinayako. I must therefore render unto Tathágato a service equivalent to the honor conferred. Bhagawa has assigned to me a most worthy commission. Let me place implicit faith in whatever Bhagawa has vouchsafed to propound.

"This being achieved, men of various nations and tongues, rejecting the dialects which have become confused by its disorderly mixture with the Sanscrit and other languages, will, with facility, acquire, by conformity to the rules of grammar propounded by Tathagato, the knowledge of the word of Buddho." Thus the thero Mahákachcha’yano, who is here (in this work) called simply Kachcháyano, setting forth his qualification; pursuant to the declaration of Buddho, that “ represented by letters," composed the grammatical work called Niruttipitako.*

sense is

There are several other editions or revisions of Kachcháyano's grammar, each professing, according as its date is more modern, to be more condensed and methodized than the preceding one. In the version entitled the Payóghasiddhi alone (as far as my individual knowledge extends) is to be found the celebrated verse,—

"Sá Mágadhi; múla bhasá, naráyéyâdi kappiká, brahmánóchassuttálápá, Sambuddháchúpi bhásaré. From these different grammars, the Báláwátáro, translated by the Rev. Mr. Clough, was compiled. The last Páli edition of that work brought to my notice, is reputed to have been revised at the commencement of the last century.

I am not aware that there is more than one edition of the vocabulary called the Abhídhánappadípiká, a translation of which is annexed to Mr. Clough's grammar. The Páli copy in my possession was compiled by one Moggalláno, at the Jéto wiháro, in the reign of Parakkamo; whom I take to be the king Parakkamo, who reigned at Pulatthinagaro, between A. D. 1153, and 1186, and the work itself is almost a transcript of the Sanscrit Amerakósha; which is also extant in Ceylon. There is also another series of grammars called the Moggalláno, deriving their name from the author of the Abhídhánappadípiká, above mentioned.

The foregoing observations, coupled with the historical data, to which I shall now apply myself, will serve, I trust, to prove, that the Páli or Mágadhi language had already attained the refinement it now possesses, at the time of Gótamo Buddho's advent. No unprejudiced person, more especially an European who has gone through the ordinary course of a classical tuition, can consult the translation of the Báláwátáro, without recognizing in that elementary work, the rudiments of a precise and classically defined language, bearing no inconsiderable resemblance, as to its grammatical arrangement, to the Latin; nor without indeed admitting that little more is required than a copious and critical dictionary, to render the acquisition of that rich, refined, and poetical language, the Páli, as facile as the attainment of Latin.

Another name for the Rúpasiddhi.

In developing the more interesting question, involving the character, the value, and the authenticity, of the historical data contained in the Páli buddhistical annals, I must enter into greater detail; and quote with greater explicitness the authorities from which my exposition is derived;-as it is opposed, in many essential respects, to the views entertained by several eminent orientalists who have hitherto discussed this subject, from records extant in other parts of India.

It is an important point connected with the buddhistical creed, which (as far as I am aware) has not been noticed by any other writer, that the ancient history, as well as the scheme of the religion of the buddhists, are both represented to have been exclusively developed by revelation. Between the manifestation of one Buddho and the advent of his successor, two periods are represented to intervene ; -the first is called the buddhántaro or buddhótpádo, being the interval between the manifestation of one Buddho and the epoch when his religion becomes extinct. The age in which we now live is the buddhótpádo of Gótamo. His religion was destined to endure 5000 years; of which 2380 have now passed away (A. D. 1837) since his death, and 2620 are yet to come. The second is the abuddhótpádo, or the term between the epochs when the religion revealed by one Buddho becomes extinct, and another Buddho appears, and revives, by revelation, the doctrines of the buddhistical faith. It would not be practicable, within the limits which I must here prescribe for myself, to enter into an elucidation of the preposterous term assigned to an abuddhótpádo; or to describe the changes which the creation is stated to undergo, during that term. Suffice it to say, that during that period, not only does the religion of each preceding Buddho become extinct, but the recollection and record of all preceding events are also lost. These subjects are explained in various portions of the Pitakattaya, but in too great detail to admit of my quoting those passages in this place.

By this fortunate fiction, a limitation has been prescribed to the mystification in which the buddhistical creed has involved all the historical data, contained in its literature, anterior to the advent of Gótamo. While in the hindu literature there appears to be no such limitation; in as much as professor Wilson in his analysis of the Puránas, from which (excepting the Rája Taringiní) the hindu historical data are chiefly obtained, proves that those works are, comparatively, of modern date.

The distinguishing characteristics, then, between the hindu and buddhistical historical data appear to consist in these particulars ;-that the mystification of hindu data is protracted to a period so modern that no part of them is authentic, in reference to chronology; and that there fabulous character is exposed by every gleam of light thrown on Asiatic history by the histories of other countries, and more especially by the writers who flourished, respectively, at the periods of, and shortly after, the Macedonian and Mahomedan conquests. While the mystification of the buddhistical data ceased a century at least prior to B. c. 588, when prince Siddhato attained buddhohood, in the character of Gótamo Buddho.

According to the buddhistical creed, therefore, all remote historical data, whether sacred or profane, anterior to Gólamo's advent, are based on his revelation. They are involved in absurdity as unbounded, as the mystification in which hindu literature is enveloped.

For nearly five centuries subsequent to the advent of Gótamo, the age of inspiration and miracle is believed to have endured among the professors of his faith. His last inspired disciple, in Ceylon at least, was Malayadéwo théro, the kinsman of Watagámini, who reigned from B. c. 104 to B. c. 76. It would be inconsistent with the scheme of such a creed, and unreasonable also on our part, to expect that the buddhistical data, comprised in those four and half centuries, should be devoid of glaring absurdities and gross superstitions. These defects, however, in no degree prejudice those data, in as far as they subserve the chronological, biographical, and geographical, ends of history.

Gótamo Buddho, by whom, according to the creed of the buddhists, the whole scheme of their historical data, anterior to his advent, was thus revealed, entered upon his divine mission in B. c. 588, in the fifteenth year of the reign of Bimbisáro, sovereign of Magadha (who became a convert to buddhism); and died in B. c. 543, in the eighth year of the reign of Ajátasatto, the son of the preceding monarch. These revelations are stated to have been orally pronounced in Páli, and orally perpetuated for upwards of four centuries, until the close of the buddhistical age of inspiration. They compose the "Pitakattaya," or the three Pitakas, which now form (if I may so express myself) the buddhistical scriptures, divided into the Winéyo, Abhidhammo, and Sutto pitako.

At the demise of Gótamo, Mahákassapo was the hierarch of the buddhistical church, in which a schism arose, even before the funeral obsequies of Buddho had terminated. For the suppression of this schism, and for asserting the authenticity of the Pitakattaya, the first "Dhammasangití," or convocation on religion, was held at Rájagaha, the capital of Ajátasatto, in B. c. 543. The schism was suppressed, and the authenticity of the Pitakattaya in Páli was vindicated and established. Upon that occasion, dissertations, or commentaries, called "Atthakatha" on the Pitakattaya, were also delivered.

In B. c. 443, at the lapse of a century from Gótamo's death, the second Dhammasangítí was held, in the tenth year of the reign of Kálásóko, at Wésáli, for the suppression of a heresy raised by certain priests natives of Wajji, resident in that city. The hierarch was the venerable Sabbakámi; and under his direction, Réwato conducted the convocation. The authority of the Pitakattaya was again vindicated; and the Atthakatha, delivered on that occasion, serve to develope the history of buddhism for the interval which had elapsed since the last convocation.

In B. c. 309, in the eighteenth year of the reign of Dhammásóko, the supreme sovereign of India, who was then a convert to buddhism, the third convocation was held at Pátilipura; Moggaliputtatisso being then the hierarch.

In the ensuing analysis of the Mahawanso, will be found references to the portions of the Pitakattaya and Atthakatha, in which detailed accounts of these convocations may be found.

In B. c. 307, the théro Mahindo, the son of the emperor Dhammásóko, embarked on his mission for the conversion of Ceylon. The reigning sovereign of this island, Déwánanpiyatisso, was converted to buddhism, and several members of his family were ordained priests. Many wiháros were founded by this monarch in this island, of which the Maháwiháro at Anuradhapura, was the principal. His minister Díghasandano built the pariwéno, or college, called after himself, Díghasanda-sénápoti-pariwéno, which, as well as the royal incumbencies, were bestowed on Mahindo.

Under the control of that high priest of Ceylon, fraternities were formed for all these religious establishments. The successions to which, regulated by certain laws of sacerdotal inheritance, still prevalent in the island, were uninterruptedly kept up, as will be seen by the ensuing pages.

The Pitakattaya, as well as Atthakatha propounded up to the period of the third convocation in India were brought to Ceylon by Mahindo, who promulgated them, orally, here;-the Pitakattaya in Páli and the Atthakathá in Singhalese, together with additional Atthakatha of his own. His inspired disciples, and his successors, continued to propound them, also orally, till the age of inspiration passed away; which took place in this island (as already stated) in the reign of Wattagámini, between B. c. 104 and B. c. 76. They were then embodied into books; the text in the Páli, and the commentaries in the Singhalese language. The event is thus recorded in the thirty third chapter of the Mahawanso p. 207.

The profoundly wise (inspired) priests had theretofore orally perpetuated the text of the Pitakattaya and their Atthakatha. At this period, these priests, foreseeing the perdition of the people (from the perversions of the true doctrines) assembled ; and in order that religion might endure for ages, recorded the same in books.

In the reign of the rája Mahanámo, between A. D. 410 and 432, Buddhaghóso transposed the Singhalese Atthakathá also, into Páli. The circumstance is narrated in detail in the thirty seventh chapter of the Mahawanso, p. 250.

This Páli version of the Pitakattaya and of the Atthakatha, is that which is extant now in Ceylon; and it is identically the same with the Siamese and Burmese versions. In the appendix will be seen a statement of the divisions, and subdivisions, contained in the Pitakattaya. A few of these subdivisions are not now to be obtained complete in the chief temples of Kandy, and are only to be found perfect, among those fraternities in the maritime districts, who have of late years derived their power of conferring ordination from the Burmese empire; and they are written in the Burmese character.

The identity of the buddhistical scriptures of Ceylon with those of the eastern peninsula is readily accounted for, independently of the consideration that the missions for the conversion of the two countries to buddhism, originally proceeded to these parts at the same time, and from the same source; viz. at the close of the third convocation, as stated in the twelfth chapter of the Mahawanso: for Buddhaghósó took his Páli version of those scriptures, after leaving Ceylon, to the eastern peninsula. This circumstance is noticed even in the "essai sur le páli par Messieurs Burnouf and Lassen;" though, at the same time, those gentlemen have drawn two erroneous inferences; first, that buddhism was originally introduced by Buddhaghósó into Pegu; and, secondly, that his resort to the eastern peninsula was the consequence of his expulsion from India under the persecutions of the bráhmans.

Passons maintenant dans la presqú île au-delà du Gange, et cherchons-y le date de l'etablissement du bouddhisme, et, avec lui, du páli et de l'ecriture. Nous n'avons plus ici l'avantage de nous appuyer sur un texte original, comme pour l'histoire cingalaise. Car, bien que les Barmans possédent, dit-on, des livres historiques fort étendus, nul, que nous sachions, n'a encore été traduit dans aucune langue d'Europe; nous sommes donc réduits aux témoignages souvent contradictoires des voyageurs. Suivant le P. Carpanus, l'histoire des Bramans appelée Mahárazoen (mot sans doute derivé du sanskrit Maharadja), rapporte que les livres et l'écriture palis furent apportes de Ceylan au Pegu, par un brahmane nommé Bouddhaghosa (voix de Bouddha) l'an 940 de leur ére sacrée, c'est-a-dire, l'an 397 de la notre. Cette date nous donne pour le commencement de l'ère sacrée des Barmans, l'an 543 avant J.-C., l'année même de la mort de Bouddha, suivant la chronologie cingalaise.

Il n'est pas etonnant que les habitans de la presqu'île s'accordent en ce point avec les cingalaise, puisque c'est d'eux qu'ils disent avoir reçu leur culte. Il est cependant permis de remarquer que leur temoignage sert encore de confirmation à la date de la mort de Bouddha (543 ans avant J. C.) que nous avons choisie entre toutes celles que nous offraient les diverses autorités. Celle de l'introduction du bouddhisme au Pegu, l'an 397 de notre ère, s'accorde egalement avec les dates qui ont été exposées et discutées plus haut. On a vu, en effet que les livres bouddiques écrits en páli, existaient a Ceylan, vers 407 de J. C., ce qui ne dit pas que cette langue n'ait puy être connue antérieurement. Le páli a donc pu rigoureusement être portê de là dans la presqu'ile au-delà du Gange, l'an 397 de notre ère. D'ailleurs, le voyage de Bouddhaghosa se rattache a l'histoire generale de culte, de Bouddha dans l'Inde; car à l'époque où il a eu lieu la lutte du brahmanisme contre le bouddhisme s'achevait par la defaite de celui-ci, et nous avons vu le dernier patriarche du culte proscrit quitter alors l'Inde pour toujours. It will be observed, that the date mentioned here, does not accurately accord with that of the Mahawanso. Mahanámo, the sovereign of Ceylon at the time of Buddhaghóso's visit, came to the throne A. D. 410, and he reigned twenty two years. The precise extent, however, of this trifling discrepance cannot be ascertained, as the date is not specified of either Buddhaghóso's arrival at, or departure from, this island.

The subsequent portions of the Mahawanso contain ample evidence of the frequent intercourse kept up, chiefly by means of religious missions, between the two countries, to the close of the work.

A very