delivered by Tyskievicz, and it is remarkable that, in dismissing the theologians of the three confessions, he should have concluded with the words, Go ye into all the world, and preach the Gospel to every creature."1

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Calixtus had stirred up a host of enemies against himself by appearing amongst the Reformed doctors at Thorn. The spirit with which the two parties regarded each other may be learnt from the expressions employed by Hülsemann, and accepted by all the rigid Lutherans, as to the conduct of our pacificator. He quotes, for example, that passage from the Corinthians, "The things which the Gentiles sacrifice they sacrifice to devils, and not to God; and I would not that ye should have fellowship with 'devils.' He shows, from the Roman law, that any one who of his own accord entered the precincts of the enemy's camp, was himself reputed as an enemy; he quotes the thirty-third Canon of Nicæa, which forbids Catholics to worship with heretics, or schismatics; he reminds Calixtus that, according to S. Ignatius, heretics were to be regarded as wild beasts in human shape, from whom every Christian is bound to fly; and applies to the Calvinists the expressions of S. Leo; avoid the viperine Colloquies of heretics; let us have nothing in common with men who, opposing the Catholic faith, have nothing but the name ' of Christians."

It was not to be expected that our doctor would sit still under these reproaches. The more bitterly he was attacked by such writers as Scharf, Calovius, Hülsemann, and Wella, the more boldly did he and his colleague, Conrad Harneius, express their own sentiments, and the more support did both find in the University of Helmstädt. Calixtus survived the Colloquy eleven years; and if the preceding part of his life had been one prolonged polemical dispute, its concluding portion was so overwhelmed by statements, replies, confutations, rejoinders, replications, and the like, that the mere catalogue of the more remarkable among these productions occupies thirty or forty pages of the great folio of Jäger.

The same year which had witnessed the Colloquy of Thorn,

The best account of the Charitative Colloquy of Thorn is to be found in the 'Historia Ecclesiastica' of John Wolfgang Jaeger, vol. i. pp. 689-703. There is a briefer history given by Sagittarius, ' Introductio in Historiam Ecclesiasticam,' vol. ii. p. 1592. The Roman Catholics published their account of it at Warsaw, in 1646; the Reformed, at Berlin in the same year; the Lutherans, Hülsemann being editor, at Leipsic, in 1646. A reply was made to the latter by Constantine Prawdeck, of the Reformed party, with the title' Entdeckung der Unwahrheiten D. Hülsemanni von dem Colloquio Charitativo.' Hartknoch, in his History of the Prussian Church, enters at great length into the proceedings; but Abraham Calovius, in his History of Syncretism, devotes no less than 360 pages to the Acts of the Colloquy. Certainly theologians must have been great readers in those days.

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witnessed the departure of one who had also laboured long and ardently for the union of Christians. This was Hugo Grotius; who, in every work that he published during the latter years of his life, was drawing more and more closely to a true idea of Catholic union. Those,' wrote he, who desire that the schism should be perpetual, who tremble when they hear of the unity and concord of the Church, these men have an interest in maintaining that the Pope is Antichrist, and that he will be so till the coming of the Lord. Were there no schism, many would have no means of living; and as, unless it were in hope of an income, they themselves would never 'dream of studying theology, they gauge all others by their own measure.'. ... If,' he says in another place, in what I wrote in my youth, when I had less learning than now, I passed the bounds of truth, whether through the prejudices of my education or from receiving without inquiry what celebrated 'men had advanced without proof; is that any reason why now, after long years of research, and after having renounced all 'party spirit, I may not follow my truer convictions?' And still more remarkably in one of his latest works- The Roman 'Church is not only Catholic, but furthermore is the President of the Catholic Church. . . . . All that the Western Church, united to Rome, receives in common, I find to have been unanimously taught by the Greek and Latin Fathers, whose 'communion few will deny that we ought to embrace. It 'follows, therefore, that the principal means for re-establishing unity in the Church is to suffer no innovation in the doctrine, 'discipline, and manners which she has already received.'

Calixtus never went so far as this: but his later writings also evince warmer sympathy with the Roman Church than he had before expressed. Those who read and admired his works took the step on which he never ventured. Thus, John Frederick, Prince of Brunswick, in 1651 joined the Roman communion; but even all the liberality of the University of Helmstädt could not (and the question was submitted to its decision) allow him a private chapel in the family palace at Celle. So also the Landgrave Ernest of Hesse Rheinfels (grandson of that Landgrave to whom Luther allowed two wives at a time, and about whom he wrote to Melanchthon, to 'sin on with a good courage,' a sentence which has so deeply excited the admiration of Archdeacon Hare) became a Catholic in 1651; as the Landgrave of Hesse Darmstadt had done in 1636. In 1654 Europe was astonished to see the Queen of Sweden, the daughter of Gustavus Adolphus, after vainly endeavouring to procure a dispensation enabling her to receive the Lutheran Eucharist

once a year as a civil rite, resign her crown and embrace the Communion of Rome at Innsprück.

These conversions, it must be confessed, deeply offended the Syncretists; and Calixtus himself, to the conclusion of his life, never ceased to speak of those who had gone over to Rome as Apostates. He continued to labour with unceasing industry to the very end of a life which had scarcely known a day's illness; though after the death of his wife in 1654 his strength and spirits began to fail. At the end of January 1656, he received the Communion for the last time, and on his return home betook himself to the bed from which he knew that he should not rise again. He affords an instance of the ruling passion strong in death; he gave orders for the construction of a kind of desk, on which he should not only be able to write in a reclining posture, but should have his books about him as he had been accustomed. The evening before his death, while his colleagues were paying him a visit, after quoting the verse,I have fought a good fight, I have finished my course, I have kept the faith,'-he added, that he forgave from his heart all his opponents and calumniators, besought God to forgive them, and asked pardon for himself, if in any of his writings he had violated the law of Christian charity. Some one among the theologians speaking of the Passion of Christ,-I,' said he, 'de'sire to die under Christ the Head, and in the faith of the true 'Catholic Church, and in the love of all who sincerely love God. "I condemn no one who is mistaken on non-necessary questions, and I trust to receive pardon from God if in any such, as may 'have been the case, I have myself erred. I acknowledge no 'other Author and Head of my salvation but God, the Father, 'the Son, and the Holy Ghost, in whose name I was baptized.' The next morning, which was the 19th March, 1656, the principal professors and doctors of the University were standing round the bed of the dying theologian, and, imagining that he was dozing, began to speak of the zeal of the Elector Palatine to promote a reconciliation between the Reformed and the Lutherans. Calixtus roused himself, and said in German-for he usually spoke to them in Latin-'I am very weary and tired of my life, and desire to depart and to be with Christ my 'Saviour and my Redeemer. Nevertheless, if I could con'tribute anything to the carrying out his Electoral Highness's 'intention, I should still wish to live.' Professor Cellarius observed, not very opportunely, that the Calvinists claimed 'Calixtus as one of themselves.' 'If they do,' he replied, they 'will have to answer for it at the terrible judgment seat of God, in that last great day of the world when the secrets of all

hearts shall be manifested.' They were the last words which he spoke.

As soon as their great adversary was removed, the rigid Lutherans began to insult his memory with the most opprobrious terms they could devise. In this attack upon the dead lion, Abraham Čalovius distinguished himself, as he did in all the attempts to prevent union during half a century. Undeterred however by the outcry against Syncretism, the Landgrave of Hesse determined on another pacific conference to be held at Cassel, between Lutherans and Reformed only. On the side of the former, Peter Musæus, who had imbibed the sentiments of Calixtus, and John Heinrich, of Rintelen, were managers; on that of the latter, two Professors of Marburg, Curtius and Heinse. The Lutherans here evinced far more moderation than they had done at Thorn; and though no satisfactory result was attained, the disputants parted on good terms. In the first article, which respected the Lord's Supper, it is curious to observe how both parties endeavoured after an agreement to differ. They acquiesced in the assertion that the spiritual eating of our Lord's Flesh and Blood, which is the act of true faith, is necessary to salvation, and that without it the participation of that Sacrament can be of no avail; that the usual fraction of the Host was a useful and pious rite; that its shape was an indifferent matter. The point of difference was, that theologians of Rintelen affirmed, and those of Marburg denied, that the wicked as well as the good were really and truly partakers of our Lord's Body: they had, however, the complaisance to assure each other that this was an immaterial point. The other articles on which they could not agree, predestination, universal grace, the Passion of Christ suffered for all, final perseverance, and the like, were, according to their agreement, to be banished from the pulpit, and only to be treated in the schools with the greatest moderation and gentleness.

When the results of the conference became known, there was a general outcry throughout Lutheran Germany, against the doctors of Rintelen. They were accused of the grossest duplicity, of Syncretism in a degree as yet unknown, of being more Calixtine than Calixtus himself, of betraying the Lutheran faith for a mess of Calvinist pottage, and so forth. Musæus, in particular, was the especial object of attack; Hülsemann, indeed, could no longer assail him, as he had departed this life in the early part of the same year; but Strauch, Waller, and Calovius, as indefatigable for discord as ever Calixtus had been for peace, kept up the controversy. The University of Helmstädt remained true to its pacific principles; that of Jena

seconded it; nor was there wanting a like spirit among some of the divines at Königsberg. The Electors of Brandenburg, Frederic William, and Frederic, did what they could to allay the bitterness; but the controversy raged without diminution till the death of Calovius, in 1686, and the new disputes about the Pietists gradually extinguished it.

It is no part of our design to enter into the forced union between Protestants and Reformed, which has given rise to the so-called Evangelical Church of Prussia; nor to the cruel persecution which the rigid Lutherans suffered for refusing to enter into what they considered an unholy alliance. The history, however, would not be uninstructive, and would amply prove that, under the present House of Brandenburg, and in educated and enlightened Prussia,' Protestantism is just as intolerant, and would now be, if it dared, and may perhaps some day become, as sanguinary as ever.

It may seem strange that, in these attempts after a general union, the Eastern Church was left out of consideration; and this more particularly at Thorn, when some of the subjects and so many of the neighbours of the prince by whom that colloquy was appointed belonged to the Eastern faith. But it must be remembered that, in the latter half of the sixteenth century, the Lutherans and Calvinists had each made a desperate effort to obtain some recognition of their claims by Constantinople; and that the letter of Jeremiah, then Ecumenical Patriarch, had put a barrier in their way which no ingenuity could overleap. Further; only seven years before the Conference of Thorn, Cyril Lucar had been put to death for his Calvinistic leanings; while, in 1638, the Councils of Constantinople and Jassy had condemned his memory, and anathematised his teaching. The orthodox confession of Peter Mogila had not only been received throughout Russia, but had made a considerable sensation through all Europe.

It is certain, however, that the Lutherans did, notwithstanding all these repulses, look with longing eyes towards the East. A favourite subject of their academical theses was the supposed agreement of the Orientals with themselves, and discrepancy with Rome. A large collection of such pamphlets is now lying before us. Here, for example, is a 'Dissertatio inauguralis de Liturgiis Orientalibus in Doctrina de Sancta Eucharistia antiquæ veritati evangelica contra novos Pontificiorum et Reformatorum errores suffragantibus: publice defensa a Johanne Andrea Gleichio.' Here again: 'Sacrificium Missa Pontificium Liturgiis Orientalibus ignotum esse publice demonstrat Gottlieb Ernestus Marti;' and here once more an Exercitatio Historico-Theologica de Ecclesia