proceedings. The regulations imposed by Ladislas evinced his prudence. The whole colloquy was to consist of three actions, to be treated in an indefinite number of sessions. In the first, the true sentiments of each party were to be handed in in writing, expressed as briefly and tersely as possible; no proofs to be adduced, except testimonies that these were the genuine tenets of the communion which brought them forward. Thus, at one glance, the agreement and variation of the three bodies would be most clearly seen. In the second action, the different opinions were to be discussed, while the controversy was conducted in the most friendly and brotherly manner that could be devised. And the third action was to be occupied by an endeavour to decide what each of these communions would be willing to surrender for the sake of peace. Each party was to appoint two deputies, who in the private sessions were alone to speak, and in the public meetings to lead and to moderate among their own followers. Each confession was to appoint two notaries; but nothing was to be published under the title of Proceedings except that which should have been approved by the presidents and the deputies. Matters having proceeded thus far, the Lutherans and the Calvinists, each yielding to the Roman Catholics the first post of honour, disputed between themselves the second; after a long discussion it was conceded to the latter.

The first session was held on the following day. The Catholics handed in a paper of conditions, the principal article among which was that, when they should once have defined their own doctrine, it should not be allowable to their adversaries to impute anything to them which they had thus implicitly denied. The conditions exhibited by the Calvinists were somewhat longer; they insisted that Holy Scripture should be quoted in the originals; that its plain and natural signification was to be received as the only rule of faith; that, nevertheless, the testimony of the first three centuries might be adduced, not as infallible, but, considering the respect in which it ought to be held, for as much as it was worth. The Lutherans were not. yet prepared with their terms, and it was therefore determined that the proceedings should begin. The place of meeting was the Town-hall of Thorn; and there, on that day, probably for the only time since the Reformation, the three contending parties united in a religious act. Bishop Tyskievicz intoned the Veni Creator Spiritus;' the theologians of the three confessions took it up; and, on the conclusion of the hymn, they took their oaths of compliance with the king's edict,-the Catholics to the bishop; the Protestants and the Reformed to the king's legate. Thus ended the first day's business.

On the 1st of September the Calvinists requested to give in a reply to the strictures which had in the meantime been sent to them by the Catholic divines. They affirmed that while Scripture was their only rule of faith, they nevertheless acquiesced in the Creeds of the Apostles, of Nicæa, of Constantinople, Ephesus, and Chalcedon; and, so far as they were concerned with the heresies of their day, they received the professions of faith authorized by the fifth and sixth Ecumenical Councils. With respect to the controversies that had arisen of late years, they consented to the Confession of Augsburg, and to the formula of Sendomir; if any more particular declaration were needed, they were ready to furnish it. In the fifth session, September 4th, a difficulty arose with respect to the title Catholics. The Roman theologians insisted that it should be applied absolutely, and without any adjunct, to them; their opponents protested that they should content themselves with the name of Roman Catholics. It was finally agreed that the notaries of each party should be at liberty to use the appellation which they preferred.

On the following day, a more serious obstacle presented itself. It had been agreed that each session should commence with prayer. The Reformed were willing to concede to the Catholics that these prayers should be offered by the Bishop of Samogitz. The Lutherans, however, stood out obstinately; each of the three parties, they said, ought to have equal privileges, and the divines of each should therefore take their turn in the preliminary prayers. In the eighth session, the question was settled by permission being given to the Lutherans to hold their assemblies apart, while the two other communions were praying in common. All these proceedings bear a very curious resemblance to the controversy that arose some twenty years ago, with respect to the desirableness of opening the meetings of the Bible Society with prayer.

This matter being settled, the Lutherans bound themselves to stand by the articles of the unvaried Confession of Augsburg; in which, as they affirmed, all the fundamental articles of faith, set forth in Scripture, were contained. Hülsemann, whose delight seems to have consisted in seizing every possible occasion for introducing matters of discord, made a furious attack on the Reformed for professing their assent to this Confession. In the next session, the Catholics exhibited, as their faith, the belief of the Catholic Church, expressed in Councils, whether general or particular, in so far as they were legitimately approved; and more especially that of Trent. The Lutherans replied that the faith defined by the really general Councils, and by two Synods which they especially valued, namely, those of Milevi and the

second of Orange, were the same that were contained in the Confession of Augsburg and the Articles of Smalcald. Therefore, in the eleventh session, the Catholics expressed more minutely their faith on the points controverted between them and their opponents. This document was admirably drawn out, and is worth abstracting. It commences by disclaiming certain opinions falsely attributed to the Catholic Church by her enemies. It then asserts, that the rule of faith is the whole Word of God, whether written or unwritten. That the fall of Adam had not only brought punishment and death on his posterity, but also, and that truly and properly, sin; which sin had, however, not destroyed free will, though it would have deprived it of all strength for good works, unless God the Father had sent the Son as the full and only propitiation of mankind. That Christ died for the sins of the whole world, although they only were justified to whom His merit was communicated. That we are justified freely, and not by our own works; and although adults were bound to dispose themselves for the reception of justification, yet that disposition does not merit it. That by justification we are, and are not merely accounted, righteous. That, therefore, all are bound to the observance of the laws of God as not being impossible; that the labours of the righteous will receive an infinite reward; and that, if a man endeavours to serve God with the view of obtaining their reward, he sins neither mortally nor venially. That no man could be absolutely assured of his own faith or salvation. That a baptized man, after falling into sin, must be reconciled to God by the Sacrament of Penance, and by the merits of Christ. With respect to the Sacraments, that while the general analogy of the whole of Scripture is allowed, those of the Evangelical differ from those of the Mosaic law. That Baptism is universally necessary to salvation; preceded, in the case of adults, by their own faith; in the case of infants, by that of the Church. That in the Lord's Supper, Christ is really and truly present and eaten, even by the unworthy partaker; that the manner in which He is present has been well defined by the word Transubstantiation; that, therefore, the essence of the sacrament did not consist in its mere use; that the reception in both kinds was not an absolute command of Christ. The rest of the declaration consists of an enumeration of the other five sacraments; an assertion of the honour due to saints; and a defence of the general rites and ceremonies of the Church. The Reformed next exhibited their own declaration; but on perusal, it was found to be so verbose, so full of superfluous dogmas, and so injuriously expressed as regarded the other two confessions, that it was returned by the presidents, with

the request that it might be again presented in an amended form.

In the fourteenth session, the Acts of the whole Colloquy were to be read over. But Hülsemann, ever ingenious in discovering difficulties, insisted either that the title of Very Reverend Lords should not be attributed to the Catholic prelates, or that a similar appellation should be bestowed on the Lutheran divines. The Reformed then brought in their amended declaration of doctrine. When it had been read, Tyskievicz protested against its insertion in the Acts, as offensive and unnecessary. The Royal Legate took the same view. It was contrary, he said, to the king's intention, that such expressions as the Calvinists had employed should be permitted: they were at perfect liberty to say,-This I believe,―This I do not believe, but not to add, This I condemn and abominate. The Lord of Chelm, with that desire of meeting others half-way which distinguished the Reformed throughout the whole Colloquy, protested that there had been no intention of giving offence, and that, if fairly taken, the expressions complained of were not objectionable; nevertheless, for the sake of peace, everything should be withdrawn which afforded the Catholics ground of complaint. Tyskievicz replied, that the offensive portions were these:-the phrases abominate, detest, and condemn, applied by the Reformed to the Roman doctrine; the imputation to the Catholics of dogmas which they not only did not hold, but had formerly anathematized; the assertion that their saints and relics were spurious; that they spoke of the Roman Church as false, tyrannical, and antichristian. Besides this, their explanation of their own doctrine, especially on the question of the Holy Eucharist, was so obscure as to be unintelligible; and, in contravention of the royal edict, they had adjoined proofs to their assertions. The confession of faith was therefore, for the second time, returned to be amended.

In the fifteenth session, which was held three days later, a warm dispute broke out between the Catholics and the Lutherans. The latter insisted that their opponents should specify at once, and definitely, what Councils they held to be legitimate, and legitimately approved. The Roman divines, on the contrary, urged the Lutherans to define the exact authority which they were willing to attribute to the decisions of Councils, and to state whether they would insist on any points of their then received Creed, which were not expressly laid down in the Confession of Augsburg.

At the end of the seventeenth session, the Chancellor was recalled to Warsaw on important business; and his absence at once showed the skill and moderation with which he had con

ducted the proceedings. It is the united testimony of the writers of all three parties, that up to this period the colloquy had proceeded successfully, though its progress was slow. The new legate, John Leczynsky, Lord of Gnesen, opened the next session by expressing his belief that greater progress would be made were the royal injunctions more carefully followed. On this the Jesuit, George Schönhoff, made a long harangue, in which he set forth how, in his opinion, the instructions ought to have been obeyed; and the almost necessary consequence was, that the session was concluded by a violent quarrel between him, the Lord of Chelm, and Hülsemann. At the next meeting, the theologian John Berg began to reply to the speech of Schönhoff. He had scarcely commenced when he was interrupted by the President of the Lutherans, Bojanoffsky, who demanded how the letters of the Elector of Brandenburg were to be understood, affirming, as they did, that his theologians, Berg, Calixtus, and Reichel, were attached to the Augustine Confession, when Berg himself was acting with, and speaking for, the Reformed. The theologian replied, that the Elector would never allow himself to be excluded from the Confession of Augsburg, while, nevertheless, he adhered with all his heart to the Reformed communion. The Legate ruled that this controversy should proceed no further, on which Bojanoffsky protested against all future proceedings. Berg, continuing his harangue, happened to give his colleagues the title of Reverend Lords and Brethren. This brought up Tyskievicz, who said that such an appellation was an insult to the Roman prelates. 'Only let me speak,' replied Berg, and I will give no one any titles at all." He was proceeding with his refutation of Schönhoff, when the Legate interrupted him and said, that, after all, this was not the way to arrive at any conclusion; and the session ended by a speech from Hülsemann, in which he threw all the blame of the delays on the Roman Catholics. This is a fair specimen of the manner in which the succeeding sessions were conducted. Each of the three parties wished to be heard in reply to their opponents; while none of the three would allow their own confessions to be commented on and refuted.

To improve the confusion, a dispute broke out in the twentyfifth session, among the Lutherans themselves; the theologians from Königsberg separating themselves from their brethren. It must be confessed that throughout the whole colloquy the Reformed were the least, and the Lutherans the most guilty of offences against charity. At length it became absolutely certain, towards the beginning of November, that nothing effectual would be performed, and the thirty-sixth and last colloquy was held on the 21st of that month. The final harangue was